Wednesday, January 10, 2024

Carlos Alzugaray Wrestles with the Current Crisis

The reappearance of Raúl Castro, an unusual event

written by Carlos Alzugaray Treto January 8, 2024


Original Spanish in La Joven Cuba  https://jovencuba.com/reaparicion-raul-castro/


For Cubans who, despite everything, are still seriously interested in continuing to analyze national politics, it was surprising to observe what happened in the small square of Parque Céspedes in the city of Santiago de Cuba on the night of the 1st. January 2024, in a solemn evening convened on the occasion of the 65th Anniversary of the Triumph of the Revolution. As is usual in these cases, the first secretary of the PCC and president of the Republic, Miguel Díaz-Canel, spoke with one of his usual speeches for these occasions. Under normal conditions, that would be the central discourse of the activity.

However, what was unusual was that Army General Raúl Castro spoke immediately afterwards, whom the official press regularly refers to as "leader of the Revolution." He was wearing his military uniform.

Raúl had not given a public speech of this magnitude since April 17, 2021, when he inaugurated the VIII Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba. As will be remembered, that was the last party conclave that he presided over, since during this Miguel Díaz-Canel was elected as First Secretary of the Party.

Since then, it has been up to the latter to deliver this type of speech, as he did on December 20 and 22 at the closing of the VII Plenary Session of the Central Committee and at the conclusion of the last period of sessions of the National Assembly, respectively.

It was therefore an unusual event that Raúl delivered what was undoubtedly the central speech of the commemoration.

It is legitimate to assume that exceptional circumstances motivated the Cuban leader to break out of his usual official silence: the acute economic, social and political crisis that the country is experiencing and the consequent accelerated loss of credibility and political capital of the Historical Generation, headed by him, and the current one, directed by Díaz Canel.

It is also legal to assume that Raúl's main objective was to support the team of the leader chosen to head the first government of the generational transition of post-revolutionary power. And to encourage him to do everything possible to undertake what he called "the complex and unavoidable economic battle" with "productivity, order and efficiency." [1]


The Revolution and generational change

It has been known for several years that the future of Cuba depends on the success of the programs approved to produce a "prosperous and sustainable socialism." And so far that hasn't happened; On the contrary, many people have seen their living conditions reduced and there is no real possibility that the State can guarantee social well-being.

It can be said that not only its place in Cuban history, but also that of the so-called Historical Generation, depends on the success of the performance of its functions by this administration headed by Miguel Díaz-Canel. As Raúl Castro publicly recognized in 2018, when he proposed him to replace him as head of state, the current Cuban president was being trained and was selected to lead the nation in the future, by those who accompanied Raúl himself in leading the country. starting in July 2006, when Fidel Castro's unexpected resignation occurred.

It is worth remembering that the group of leaders who at one time were considered the natural heirs of the Historical Generation due to their closeness to Fidel Castro, Carlos Lage and Felipe Pérez Roque among others, were marginalized during the formal mandate of Raúl Castro, who extended between that date and 2021.

Raúl's speech was a carefully designed and written text. There is no sign in it that it was some kind of farewell statement, as some have claimed. The analysis of that text, even initial as it is, shows that it was not just any speech either. Its four main parts point to the central concerns of those who have proposed to guarantee the continuity of the political system that was forged from 1953, when the assault on the Moncada Barracks took place - a date that is understood as the beginning of the Revolution - until 1976, when the approval of the Constitution ends the period of provisionality and a new, declaredly socialist State is established.

I clarify, because I consider it necessary, that in this essay I start from the assumption that the hypothesis can be sustained that in Cuba there have been three different revolutionary processes led by three generations that at the time were the patriotic vanguard of the country: the Independence Revolution of 1868 to 1898, frustrated by the North American military intervention of 1898 to 1902; the Revolution of '33, also frustrated by North American interference—this time diplomatic and not military—supported by a pro-imperialist domestic sector; and the Cuban Revolution of 1953-1976 that overthrew the former neocolonial regime imposed by the United States and established a Socialist Republic.

There is a common thread between the three and it is the effort that the progressive patriotic vanguards have displayed in each of those historical moments to create a Republic as Martí dreamed of, with its four components: national independence, social justice, good government and self-sustaining economy.

Regarding the political process that the country has been experiencing since the second half of the 20th century, it can be stated that large majorities of citizens were able to accept without much discussion that Fidel Castro and Raúl Castro governed in the name of "The Revolution" since they were undoubtedly the ones who could assume that mantle of being the "founding fathers" of a process that, starting from the seizure of power by the revolutionary forces of that time, truly transformed the country into the general direction to which the popular masses aspired.

However, for those who succeed him in the government of Cuba, no matter how many appeals they make to "continuity", it will be much more difficult for them to be able to invoke "the Revolution" and "the revolutionaries" to legitimize their mandate. It is more appropriate to call them "the post-revolutionary generation" and describe the period in which they are exercising government as "post-revolutionary."

The different generations that live together today in Cuban society will evaluate this first post-revolutionary period as successful or not depending on whether its leaders not only manage to defend and maintain the main achievements achieved in terms of national independence and social justice between 1953 and 1976 —and that many of them remained for some time in the newly formed State—but rather that they facilitate the establishment and consolidation of an economy that can be self-sustaining and prosper without appealing to benefactor allies. To this must also be added the challenges of building a true republican social democracy based on the real participation and deliberation of citizens.

At least those are my personal aspirations to which I have the right as a citizen but also as someone who did consider himself "revolutionary" when between 1959 and 1961 he joined the process and served it to this day.


Denouncement and condemnation of the permanent hostility of the United States

The first part, in which the United States policy towards Cuba is condemned and denounced, is not much different from what President Díaz Canel has been saying. "The policy of permanent hostility and blockade of the United States Government is the main cause of the difficulties of our economy," said the historical leader.

However, it is worth pointing out two aspects. In his previous speech, in 2021, despite the fact that the Biden administration showed no signs of abandoning the cruel measures imposed by President Trump in his last term, Raúl Castro did not hesitate to offer an olive branch:

«I ratify from this Congress of the Party the will to develop a respectful dialogue and build a new type of relations with the United States, without pretending that to achieve this Cuba renounces the principles of the Revolution and Socialism, makes concessions inherent to its sovereignty and independence, give in to the defense of its ideals and the exercise of its foreign policy…” ( Central Report to the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba ).

That constructive reference was absent on this occasion. On the contrary, Raúl's words can be described as "hard" and "intransigent." But it is logical that this is the case if one takes into account the unconciliatory attitude of Biden, who has kept Cuba on the list of states that promote terrorism and other extreme sanctions by Trump.

In addition, Raúl Castro could be personally disappointed because he was the one who undertook the negotiation with Barack Obama to normalize relations in the 2013-2014 period, despite the risks that this entailed for a leader with his career at Fidel's side. It is good to recognize that this bold attitude of Cuban diplomacy during the presidency of Raúl Castro achieved something that seemed unlikely without negotiation: the release of the three anti-terrorist agents of the "Wasp Network" who were still in North American prisons, at the height of 2013.

This negotiation and its results were not without controversy, even criticism from Fidel Castro himself. [2]


Unity is our main strategic weapon

The second part of Raúl's speech had as its common thread a phrase that he used with all purpose: "Unity is our main strategic weapon." Although it is a fairly common call in most of the political pronouncements of Cuban leaders, there were three elements that are not frequent:

He defined unity in more inclusive terms than what President Díaz Canel usually does: «In the Cuban Revolution every sincere patriot has had a place, with the only requirement of being willing to confront injustice and oppression, to work for the good of the people. and to defend their conquests.

He associated it with the acceptance of different ideas and criteria: "In that forge of action and thought our Party was forged, alien to authoritarianism and impositions, listening to and debating the different criteria and giving participation to all who are willing to join the work." .

He made a specific call for the need for the participation of armed institutions in a differentiated manner: "The unity formed by the Party, the Government, the mass organizations and all of our people, and as part of this the combatants of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior..."


From the Historical Generation to the first post-revolutionary generation

The third part was dedicated to a fundamental political issue and that is the relationship between the Historical Generation and the one that currently leads the country, headed by Díaz-Canel: «I know that I express the feelings of the Historical Generation by ratifying trust in those who today occupy leadership responsibilities in our Party and Government, and in the other organizations and institutions of our society, from the highest positions to the tens of thousands of grassroots leaders who are on the front line of combat.

In his support he cited some words from Fidel Castro, spoken at the founding ceremony of the Association of Combatants of the Cuban Revolution, on December 7, 1993. With them he practically concluded his speech:

«…There are no generational contradictions in the Revolution for a simple reason: because there is no envy or desire for power among its children. None of us old fighters cling to positions or consider ourselves creditors of the country for having rendered it a service, and as long as we have strength left we will be in the position assigned to us, no matter how modest it may be. 

This statement was supported by graphic testimony: on the cover of the digital edition of Granma on January 2 there appears a photo of President Díaz Canel surrounded by Raúl Castro, Ramiro Valdés and José Ramón Machado Ventura.

Another important detail highlighted in this part of the speech was the suggestion that the cadres that made up the current government had to be willing to give up their positions in certain circumstances and thus he said: "Those who, due to insufficient capacity, lack of preparation or simply because they have tired, are not up to the task demanded by the moment, they must give their place to another colleague willing to take on the task.

What is not clear is whether this appeal to the confluence between both lineages is aimed at the members of the Historical Generation who still have government or similar roles, to refrain from interfering or criticizing the current president or if, on the contrary, The call is aimed at Díaz Canel and his current government cabinet accepting a kind of supervisory role for these members of the Historical Generation. Everyone can draw their own conclusions.


The complex and unavoidable economic battle

By supporting Prime Minister Manuel Marrero, Raúl Castro once again put on the table the high priority that solving the country's economic problems must have. "As the Prime Minister, Comrade Manuel Marrero, clearly explained just a few days ago in the National Assembly of People's Power, in the complex and unavoidable economic battle it is imperative to advance in productivity, order and efficiency."

It is illustrative that he added the term "cannot be postponed" to the more common "complex" when referring to the "economic battle" and that he lists "advancing productivity, order and efficiency" as fundamental objectives.

Finally, he urged the cadres "not to be naive or triumphalist, to avoid bureaucratic responses and any manifestation of routine and insensitivity, to find realistic solutions with what we have, without dreaming that something is going to fall from the sky." In the Cuban context, the last part of this phrase is important. This type of concrete and pragmatic manifestations are not abundant among the country's leaders.


The role of armed institutions: "soul of the Revolution alongside the PCC"

The representative of the Historical Generation ended with a new mention of the Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior, demonstrating once again the important role assigned to them:

«In this supreme endeavor, the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior, faithful and sure guardians of the Revolution, will participate decisively. If yesterday the new country emerged free, beautiful, vigorous and invincible from the victorious weapons of the Rebel Army, today I can affirm that in the face of any threat or weakness its combatants will not give up continuing to be, together with the Party, the soul of the Revolution.

This reference to the fact that the armed institutes, together with the Party, constitute the "soul of the Revolution" recalls the excellent study carried out on the subject by Mario Valdés Naiva on April 21, 2021 in the pages of this magazine, precisely with the title The Soul of the Revolution , in which he analyzed the Martí origin of the phrase and its evolution since Fidel Castro used it to characterize the Rebel Army and later associated it with the Party. Raúl has preferred to follow another line, associating it with the FAR. This acquires a peculiar importance today if we take into account that, through GAESA, the Armed Forces have acquired an important influence over the economy - not exempt from questioning - which is where the fundamental battle front of the current government is located. . 


Time Is Running Out

Those segments of the VII Plenary Session of the Central Committee and the session of the National Assembly that could be seen on National Television at the end of December underlined the seriousness of the country's situation. Finally, from the highest levels, it was recognized that "things were not going as expected", which is undoubtedly a euphemism, and although without specifying or assigning responsibilities, it was accepted that there were errors, although the details were hidden. behind a detailed description of the evils that the dense web of unilateral coercive measures that constitute the blockade that the United States has imposed on Cuba brings to the country. The latter are real. Denying them is not admissible. But neither can we ignore the weight of the errors and insufficiencies of the current government, which is also heir to other internal deformations that accumulated during its preceding years.

After an enormous political effort to develop a reform program that began in July 2007, Raúl Castro himself appealed to change structures and concepts as necessary and concluded in 2011 with the approval of the Guidelines for Updating the Model. Economic at the VI Congress of the PCC; However, paradoxically this entire program has been delayed and postponed. This even during Raúl Castro's term as president and first secretary of the PCC. I analyzed this issue in greater depth in my essay "Cuba fifty years later: continuity and political change", published by Temas magazine (No. 60, October-December 2009, pages 37-47 ).

It is obvious, although it is not stated publicly so crudely, that the government is bankrupt, and that it lacks the minimum financial resources to face the crisis. There is also a new political framework that makes governance difficult, with a set of economic actors who do seem to have the resources to build large hotels or import sumptuous products. Hence, the measures proposed by the prime minister seem extreme, which is reaffirmed by his definition that we are in a war economy.

However, from the citizenry, the government appears trapped in the habit of acting voluntarily and improvisation in critical situations that it almost never foresees.

On the other hand, more important decisions fundamentally related to the profound reform that the economic framework needs, and which were already outlined in a global manner when the Guidelines for the Update of the Model were approved in 2011, are unacceptably delayed. The most recent example of this tendency to delay what cannot be postponed is the Business Law project.

In every government there are different tendencies and the Cuban one cannot be an exception. Only, given the opaque nature of the decision-making processes in Cuba and the function of a press more focused on propaganda than on analysis and accountability, it is difficult for citizens to know why decisions are delayed. strategies and who are those who hinder them. In such circumstances it is legitimate to assume that there are conditions for internal contradictions to worsen. Hence, Raúl Castro's clear call for unity is fundamental, as is also the fact that it links it to "the unavoidable economic battle."

But time to "change everything that needs to be changed" is running out, both in real economic and political terms, and due to the simple fact that the Díaz Canel government has only four years left in its second and final term.

According to the Constitution, the president is re-electable only once. Díaz Canel already was the year he just finished. In 2028 his two terms will conclude. It will then be necessary to look for a candidate who, also as stipulated by the Constitution, cannot be older than 60 years.

Raúl Castro's speech could be designed to give President Díaz Canel the oxygen he needs to inject, without interference, a strong push into the reforms that many Cuban economists recommend and the vast majority of the people expect and demand.

Hopefully the current leaders know how to take advantage of it with the realism, will and audacity that they have not shown until now. From now until April 2028 there is not much time left.


[1] All quotes from Raúl Castro's speech are taken from the version published in Granma , in its digital edition of January 2, 2024: " We are going to get out of these difficulties, as we have always done, by fighting!"

[2] Remember the reflection of the maximum leader of the Revolution on March 28, 2016 entitled " My brother Obama ."


CARLOS ALZUGARAY TRETO

Ambassador and retired Full Professor, independent international analyst and essayist


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16 COMMENTS


ARMANDO FERNANDEZ

January 8, 2024 - 3:26 PM

Carlos, very good analysis, but I think that patches are still being put in place.

Example: The fair and long-postponed wage increase in health and education. Because they have done it before the increase in fuel prices, a measure that is also necessary but will exacerbate inflation even more. It is very likely that this very fair measure will fall “short” after the rise in inflation.


REPLY


ALZUGARAY

January 9, 2024 - 3:45 PM

Thank you. Notice, I neither tried to make a value judgment nor suggested solutions. That was not the purpose. The purpose was to answer legitimate questions about why Raúl decided to make a public intervention and what was the vision he presented for the current situation. Someone told me that the article was controversial and I think that's how it should be. I'm not worried about the controversy. What is good is that leaders know that citizens are not passive assistants to the national drama. That we observe them, we listen to them and we draw our conclusions.


REPLY


IVAN

January 8, 2024 - 3:45 PM

Either you are Robin Hood, or you are Sheriff of Nottingham, you cannot be both. By raising Robin's flag you pre-establish your humanitarian work, which is what sustains it (on the part of that historic generation), but to get out of the quagmire you have, and already is, the Sheriff. The future line is drawn because this is how we live. You just have to go out into the street to see the caste created by the “royal family” and its “nobility” and the peasant subjects, workers in the constant search for subsistence and survival.


REPLY


ALZUGARAY

January 9, 2024 - 3:49 PM

Ivan, your metaphor about Robin and the Sheriff is interesting. I will take it into account in the future. Regarding your other comment, I agree that the situation of the popular majorities is terrible and that this issue must be resolved. Now, having said that, what I see on the street is not a society divided in two. I see many estates. There is everything. I think that simile didn't come out well.


REPLY


ARMANDO

January 8, 2024 - 4:28 PM

Raúl lives in another galaxy, or he stayed on January 1, 1959, he does not know that the young people who claim to be Fidel are lining up at the embassies to emigrate.


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ARMANDO FERNANDEZ

January 8, 2024 - 6:42 PM

We both have the same name. Could you put your last name


REPLY


MENDARO GREGORY

January 8, 2024 - 8:49 PM

I share with you the letter sent to Raúl Castro, on Monday the 1st. January 2024 at 5:35:00 am


MY PERSONAL OPINION; FROM MY POINT OF VIEW – To the attention of Army General, Raúl Modesto Castro Ruz.

http://www.editorialsocial.com/raul_castro_ruz/24-01-01-opinion_personal-punto_de_vista.htm


REPLY


JESUS

January 8, 2024 - 11:25 PM

Greetings, two economies:

one that builds hotels like the pharaohs and receives income from the super Gaviota Tourist Company and other GAESA companies and military trade.

and the other side, that of the National Bank of Cuba with the collections of medical services, tobacco and something else. And also the debts of 60 years of revolution.

To make matters worse, Minfar has its own Investment Bank that controls all that capital and maintains international collection and payment links.

Foreign investment are only creditors of tremendous debts,

never more so than that!


REPLY


ALZUGARAY

January 9, 2024 - 3:56 PM

Your hypothesis is interesting. Why don't you write an article about it and send it to LJC?


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JOSÉ

January 9, 2024 - 7:03 AM

PROFESSOR ALZUGARAY, that you affirm in this monotonous, tiresome and long-winded article, probably the worst of the ones I have read by you, “of prosperous and sustainable socialism”, is something illusory that has never happened, and will never happen. Stop teasing us, we are neither stupid nor illiterate. A little more realism; put your feet on the ground. It seems that this article is signed by the ideologue Rogelio Polanco and not by a solvent academic who has touched the sky with a PhD. I am astonished by this Cold War Bolshevik speech.


Fidel's article “MY Brother Obama” was full of hate and racism. Obama did not deserve such an insult. There were several kicks in the face during the thaw that he received from the entire Cuban government, from the executive branch to the legislative branch. But allowing Fidel to offend the first black president of the United States and the only one who has dared to reestablish relations with Cuba, was a huge mistake and clumsiness.


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MENDARO GREGORY

January 9, 2024 - 8:21 AM

Totally agree.


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ALZUGARAY

January 9, 2024 - 4:00 PM

José, since he does not share his last name with us, it is difficult to answer him. I'll just tell you. You are entitled to his opinion and I am entitled to mine. You might not like mine. It is your right. But is it essential to almost disrespect me? My article is written for smart people. I do not intend to impose my criteria on anyone. But I don't like the rant. I explain the importance of why Raúl decided to speak (my opinion) and I interpret his words in light of the serious crisis that the country is experiencing. What's the problem with that?


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MARIA

January 9, 2024 - 8:43 AM

This article is more typical of the dogmatic Granma, than of an independent and successful blog like LJC. Columns by Dr. in Economics Mauricio de Miranda, nor by the academics, also with doctorates, Ivette Garcia and Alina Lopez Hernandez, no longer appear here (unfortunately). But having the academic and former diplomat Carlos Alzugaray, an expert on issues related to the United States, weekly, gave the blog a fresh air. You may disagree with Alzugaray, but you know perfectly well the US-Cuba dispute. Another thing is when he has to give his opinion, no longer based on data, but on his sympathy with the government that on more than one occasion appointed him as a diplomat for Argentina and Canada decades ago.

I agree with Jose that in this article, Carlos Alzugaray brought out the worst of his excellent academic training. It seems that Dr. del Granma or a PCC ideologue wrote it.

A wise piece of advice to LJC, if they wish to maintain a more or less fixed audience, because what is known is that after Lissette Garcia, Alina B Lopez and Mauricio de Miranda no longer write here, a mass of readers were “shocked”: Move to the center of the political spectrum. Articles like this one, well pointed out by the extreme left, do not contribute to moderation, to a point of reference, which is the center.

I will continue reading LJC every morning, but if articles of this type continue to appear in the future, I will have no choice but to close LJC. I don't want to read anything that resembles the dogmatic and fundamentalist Granma.


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ALZUGARAY

January 9, 2024 - 4:07 PM

María, do you really believe that Granma would publish an article like this? How long has it been since you read it? Thank you for saying that my articles on Cuba-United States relations give fresh air to the blog. But that does not prevent me from applying the little I know about politics to an analysis of an aspect of Cuban politics. The colleagues you mention are very valuable and have published articles in La Joven Cuba to the extent that they have adjusted to the original editorial line. La Joven Cuba is a blog for independent Cuban political analysis and this is an independent Cuban political analysis, not an exercise in opposition political activism. Thanks for reading us. I don't write to please anyone except my conscience. But, in the spirit that unites us, accept that some may have one opinion and others another. Thank you.


REPLY


JORGE SEVILLANO

January 9, 2024 - 11:42 PM

It seems to me that it has some interesting approaches to take into account. I don't know what Granma's criteria for what appears to be editorial or dogmatic are based on. What catches my attention, unlike the opinions I mention, is the introduction of a category that seems to me to be more European social democratic than fundamentalist in nature. I am referring to the expression that is so far from the reality when he subscribes to “the post-revolutionary generation” and describes the period in which they are exercising the government as “post-revolutionary.” Maybe this goes against editorial interests but I hope you don't censor me. Thank you


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HAHA75

January 10, 2024 - 5:30 AM

I really like what Professor Alzugaray writes, because thanks to the different positions he has held in countries around the world, and by virtue of what he has been able to observe and learn, he is able to analyze without staying with both feet in the wrong. darker ideology.

One thing is certain: the US must abandon its nostalgia for what Cuba was for it before the 1959 revolution and its dream of once again dominating the country through capitalism.

In short, we must let the Cubans themselves choose the direction the country should take, without external ties and using the same rules that govern international relations.

The other side of the coin would be for Cuba to abandon its nostalgia for the revolution and move forward with the development of the country.

The big question is: who should take this step first?


JOSÉ

January 10, 2024 - 2:28 PM

It is a shame that Raul Castro has retired from power, because the greatest reforms that have been made since 1959 were made by him. And he has left power to a group of beginners, inept and incompetent who are throwing the country down a hole. Now Cuba has entered the club of the “NEOLIBERAL PACKAGE” that they have attacked and criticized so much in the past. Karma always returns.

In 2019, there were street disorders with deaths, injuries and thousands of arrests in Chile and Colombia, governed at that time by Sebastian Piñera and Ivan Duque, respectively. It was the ultra-left that fueled these protests, which were social in nature and price increases. In Cuba, journalists Iroel Sanchez, now deceased, and Manuel Henriquez Lagarde, supported and encouraged these protests. Now the situation in Cuba is worse than that of Colombia and Chile in 2019, because they have already emerged from the hole, and Cuba sinks into the mud with each passing day. And where is now the Journalist Lagarde who does not protest the increase in public services in Cuba, nor the “neoliberal package” that Diaz Canel and Marrero are cooking? He encourages violent protests only

when they are outside Cuba. The incoherence and indecency of these characters from the extreme and rancid left is unparalleled.


JOHN MCAULIFF

January 11, 2024 - 1:35 AM

Dr. Alzugaray has written a seminal article at a time of national crisis. Is the bottom line that Raúl Castro is intervening to support necessary radical reforms that are opposed by others of his generation and his allies in the Party and the bureaucracy?

Or is this a final effort at Jesuit-style partisan moralism seeking to stave off imminent collapse?

Raúl Castro modernized, liberated and transformed the lives of Cubans by allowing the private ownership of phones and computers and the public sale of cars and houses. The guidelines seemed to offer an authentically Cuban version of Vietnam's Doi Moi (renewal).

Was the subsequent stalemate a consequence of an ideology-bound system, failed leadership, hostility between Trump and Biden, or a paralyzing fear of the United States?


JESUS

January 11, 2024 - 11:57 PM

Greetings: It is called an internal block. A setback that cannot be seen, cannot be touched, but is felt. Not even during Raúl's presidency did that power diminish. Only a libertarian like the Argentine can confront the retranca. There everything is against you but in Cuba those mechanisms do not exist. I think we have to give weight to the voice of economists. A serious factor to resolve is that Minfar controls GAESA's finances and is uncontrollable. The generals have been preparing for years!


MENDARO GREGORY

January 13, 2024 - 10:42 PM

THREE REASONABLE DOUBTS.

For the attention of Professor, Carlos Alzugaray Treto.

http://www.editorialsocial.com/carlos_alzugaray/24-01-13-dudas_razonables.pdf

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