Wednesday, May 22, 2019

Louis Perez: Cuba as an Obsessive Compulsive Disorder

Cuba as an Obsessive Compulsive Disorder
Louis A. Pérez, Jr.
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

(This article was written prior to Presidents Obama and Castro normalizing diplomatic relations.  The Trump Administration has returned us to the relationship Perez describes so well.)

As a nation we seemed unable to maintain a sense of perspective about Cuba.
–Cyrus R. Vance, Hard Choices: Critical Years in America’s Foreign Policy

The rationale of the Cuba policy no longer commands credibility.  No longer can the policy be assumed to derive its raison d’être from the realm of the plausible.  Disinterested observers–which is to say, much of the world–are most assuredly correct to suspect that Cuba is a peculiar American obsession.  Eleven presidential administrations, including Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, have failed to resolve what must be considered a policy anomaly of singular distinction: more than 50 years of political isolation and economic sanctions, longer than the U.S. refusal to recognize the Soviet Union, longer than the hiatus of normal relations with China, longer than it took to reconcile with post-war Vietnam.  Cuba has been under U. S. sanctions for almost half its national existence as an independent republic.

U.S. relations with Cuba–or perhaps more correctly, the U.S. relationship with Cuba–is a complex matter.  The subject of Cuba has rarely been a topic of reasoned disquisition.  It defies facile explanation, and certainly cannot be understood solely–or even principally–within the logic of the policy calculus that otherwise serves to inform U.S. foreign relations, mostly because it is not logical.

This is not to suggest that the policy of sanctions is without political constituencies, of course.  Considerations of domestic politics as a determinant of foreign policy are not without precedent.  Cuba is no exception.  Influential Cuban-American interest groups have acted with single-minded advocacy in behalf of the embargo.  Lobbyists and political action committees, including the Free Cuba Political Action Committee, the U.S.-Cuba Democracy Political Action Committee, and the Cuba Libre Political Action Committee, among others, have channeled substantial financial resources into the electoral system in behalf of hard-line policies against Cuba.  That the state of Florida looms large in national elections, moreover, has further enhanced the political importance of the Cuban-American vote, long presumed to favor continuation of sanctions.  Candidates for national office, whether in primary contests or general elections, tread lightly on the subject of Cuba while campaigning in Florida, persuaded that the safe course is the hard-line course so well-trodden by almost every presidential candidate to have visited the Sunshine State for the last 50 years.

But the role of political action committees and the bid for the Cuban-American vote are not themselves sufficient explanations for the endurance of the embargo.  On the contrary, it is certainly an arguable proposition that political action committees are themselves the consequence of the policy, not the cause.  In fact, the matter of Cuba is far more complicated than the politics of domestic interest groups.

To reflect on the Cuba policy of the United States is to confront a profoundly counterintuitive state of affairs, characterized by the inability and/or the unwillingness of policymakers to bestir themselves to reexamine the efficacy of a 50-year-old policy whose most remarkable feature–almost everyone agrees–has been failure.  Candidate Barack Obama is only the most recent aspirant to national office whose candidacy was served by calling attention to the failed Cuba policy advocated by his rival–the very Cuba policy of the previous ten presidential administrations.  “There’s nothing more naive,” affirmed Obama in May 2008, “than continuing a policy that has failed for decades.”

In fact, the sources of this policy anomaly must be sought elsewhere, for U.S. attitudes toward Cuba are driven by an interior logic with antecedents deep in the nineteenth century.  It is condition that has assumed fully the form of a syndrome, one that emerged out the experience of national formation, shaped at a time during which Americans were engaged in fashioning the geo-political cosmologies of their place in the world at large.  It is, in sum, a condition possessed of a proper history, an understanding of which is relevant to the current U.S.-Cuban problematic.

There has been something profoundly intimate about the U.S.-Cuba relationship, a complexity that makes for a dense interior history of 200 years of interaction between both countries.  History in this instance has passed into the public domain mostly as memory: knowledge of the past shaped around the myths that inform the founding narratives of each country, thereupon to serve as one of the principal means through which Americans and Cubans approximated an understanding of each other, a way too with which both countries claimed righteous purpose in their dealings with one another.

The idea of Cuba insinuated deeply itself into the collective consciousness of the Untied States, and thereupon ceased to exist as outer objective reality, a condition that served the efface the presence of a people in Cuba possessed of a separate history and endowed with aspirations of a proper destiny.  The very existence of Cuba has been imagined in function of U.S. needs.  Cuba developed in the United States as an interior measure of well-being, a means to validate the natural order of things and fulfill a promised destiny.

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To enter the strategic logic by which Americans envisioned the imperatives of national interest in the nineteenth century is to understand readily how the United States fixated its attention on Cuba.  The acquisition of Louisiana (1803) and Florida (1819) projected the United States onto the Gulf of Mexico.  Once at the water’s edge, the national gaze fixed on the southern horizon, whereupon Cuba came into view–“almost in sight of our shores,” John Quincy Adams exaggerated to make the point.  Lying astride the principal sea lanes of the middle latitudes of the Western Hemisphere, commanding on one side entrance to the Gulf and outlet of the vast Mississippi Valley and on the other fronting the Caribbean Sea, the island assumed strategic and commercial significance of looming proportions.

To claim Cuba as “almost in sight” was to allude to the circumstance of proximity, ofcourse.  But proximity in this instance portended peril, and the presence of peril “almost in sight” was not condition to which the Americans could reconcile themselves.  Cuba mattered precisely because the proximity of its location.  That it was in possession of a declining colonial power made the  status of its future sovereignty a matter of an abiding preoccupation.  It was impossible to lose sight of Cuba, for much seemed to depend on a careful watch on all matters–domestic and foreign–pertaining to the island.  The United States could not risk distraction or interruption of the gaze.  The United States, U.S. Minister to Spain Romulus Saunders informed Spanish authorities in 1848, had a “very deep interest . . . in everything connected with the present condition and future prospects of Cuba.”

So it was that Cuba became an American fixation.  “Look, sir, to the very case ofCuba–the most delicate, and vastly the most important point in all our foreign relations,” Daniel Webster exhorted in 1826.  “[It] is placed in the mouth of the Mississippi.  Its occupation by a strong maritime power would be felt, in the first moment of hostility, as far up as the Mississippi and Missouri, as our population extends.  It is the commanding point of the Gulf of Mexico.  See, too, how it lies in the very line of our coast-wise traffic; interposed in the very highway between
New York and New Orleans.”

Cuba mattered deeply to a national sense of security and collective well-being.  “The instincts of the American people,” Senator J.P. Benjamin insisted, “have already taught them that we shall ever be insecure against hostile attack until this important geographical and military position is place under our protection and control.”  Secretary of State James Buchanan was unequivocal on the matter of Cuba: “In the possession of . . . any strong naval power, it might prove ruinous to our domestic and foreign commerce, and even endanger the union of the States. The highest and first duty of every independent nation is to provide for its own safety; and, acting upon this principle, we should be compelled to resist the acquisition of Cuba by any powerful maritime State, with all the means which Providence has placed at our command.”  On the other hand, Buchanan predicted, Cuba annexed to the United States would relieve the nation “from the apprehensions which we can never cease to feel for our own safety and the security of our commerce, whilst it shall remain in its present condition.”  The Ostend Manifesto in 1854 articulated the national consensus unequivocally: “Cuba [in its present condition] has thus become to us an unceasing danger, and a permanent cause of anxiety and alarm.”  And to the larger moral:  “The Union can never enjoy repose, nor possess reliable security, as long as Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries.”

 Whether or not these were rational apprehensions matters less than the fact that they served to fix the importance of Cuba as a matter vital to the national interest.  The United States could not contemplate the future national well-being without the presumption of possession of Cuba.  The supposition of secure nationhood inscribed itself as a condition dependent upon possession of Cuba and assumed fully the form of received wisdom, and subsequently transmuted into the basis of an enduring policy consensus.  “An object of transcendent importance to the political and commercial interests of our Union,” John Adams insisted, and more: “It is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our federal republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself.”

The proposition of Cuba as essential to the national interest developed into an article of faith, one of those political truths passed and received as something of a policy legacy by successive presidential administrations all through the nineteenth century.  “Cuba has long been one of the ‘cards’ of American party politics,” the Nation correctly observed in 1898–and a prophetic augury of a politics one century later: “For over fifty years one party or another has proposed to help itself by the deliverance of Cuba.”  Citizens who pondered affairs of state, as elected leaders and appointed policymakers; as newspaper editors and magazine publishers; journalists, essayists, and writer; and the expanding sectors of the informed electorate: almost all who contemplated the future well-being of the nation were fully persuaded that possession of Cuba was a matter of national necessity.  The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations summarized the prevailing national consensus of the nineteenth century: “The ultimate acquisition of Cuba may be considered the fixed purpose of the United States, a purpose resulting from political and geographical necessities which have been recognized by all parties and all administrations, and in regard to which the popular voice has been expressed with a unanimity unsurpassed on any question of national policy that has heretofore engaged the public mind . . . . All agree that the end is not only desirable but inevitable.  The only difference of opinion is to the time, mode, and conditions of obtaining it.”

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Consciousness of Cuba developed as facet of the very process by which Americans arrived to collective self-awareness, during the time of national formation as Americans began to imagine themselves as a nationality and a people with common–that is, “national”–interests. Cuba loomed large in American meditations on national security, and insinuated itself deeply into those realms from which a people arrive to an understanding of the circumstances upon which their collective well-being depend.  If Cuba seemed to have no proper destiny other than as an extension of American interests it was because the United States appeared to have no secure future without possession of Cuba.  The fate of Cuba, insisted Congressman Milton Latham, due to “its proximity to our shores,” was of “vast importance to the peace and security of this country,” and to the point: “We cannot allow it to pass from its present proprietors into other hands.”  John Calhoun urged “resort to the hazard of war with all its calamities” to prevent Cuba from passing “into any other hands but ours,” and added: “This, not from a feeling of ambitious, not from a desire for the extension of dominion, but because that island is indispensable to the safety of the United States.”  Secretary of State John Clayton reiterated the U.S. position at midcentury: “Our government [is] resolutely determined that the Island of Cuba should never be in the possession of any other power than that of Spain or the United States.”  The “whole power of the United States would be employed to prevent . . . Cuba from passing into other hands”–Clayton warned–and continued: “This Government is resolutely determined that the Island of Cuba shall never be ceded by Spain to any other power than the United States.”

Clayton was explicit: “The news of  the cession of Cuba to any foreign power would, in the
United States, be the instant signal for war.”

Cuba had become one of the most important places in the world.  The solvency of the Union, many believed–perhaps its very survival, others feared–depended on Cuba.  “I know of no portion of the earth that is now so important to the United States of America as the Island ofCuba is,” Senator Robert Toombs pronounced at mid-century.  Congressman James Clay agreed:“There is no subject of our foreign relations whatever at all to compare with [the acquisition ofCuba] . . . . No one has for a moment doubted the vital necessity to us of the acquisition of Cuba.”

To contemplate possession of Cuba was to envisage national greatness and a future of progress and prosperity.  “Give us Cuba . . . ,” Senator Robert Toombs exulted at mid-century, “and we shall command all the . . . wants of the human race; we shall control their commerce in everything.”  With Cuba, Toombs predicted, “we can make first the Gulf of Mexico, and then the Caribbean sea, a mare clausum,” whereupon the day would not be too distant “when no flag shall float there except by permission of the United States of America.”  Possession of Cuba, predicted the weekly DeBow’s Review, promised “control over the commerce and wealth of this new world,” adding: “And with that commerce we can control the power of the world.  Give us [Cuba], and we can make the public opinion of the world.”  It was perhaps only a matter of time that Americans persuaded themselves too that the well-being of the entire world depended on the U.S. possession of Cuba. “[T]he future interests, not only of this country but of civilization and of  human progress,” proclaimed Senator James Bayard at mid-century, “are deeply involved in the acquisition of Cuba by the United States.”

 To understand the fixation on Cuba is to appreciate the psychology that served to inform the assumptions upon which Americans contemplated Cuba.  If Cuba was to have made the
United States stronger, more secure–indeed, in Adam’s words, Cuba as “indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself”–the logic of national interests rendered the need to control Cuba as obligatory as it was obvious.  A sense of national completion seemed to depend on Cuba, without which the American Union seemed unfinished, perhaps incomplete, maybe even slightly vulnerable.  “We must have Cuba.  We can’t do without Cuba,” James Buchanan exhorted.
  But preoccupation with Cuba implied more than attention to the requirements of national interests.  Cuba reached deeply into the very narratives through which Americans explained to themselves the rationale of their needs and the virtue of their purpose.  The island became deeply implicated in the moral systems around which Americans fashioned their founding myths and presumption of exceptionalism, which meant too that the acquisition of Cuba was understood to respond to a larger logic, not merely as a matter of discharge of a pragmatic foreign policy but in fulfillment of Providential purpose.

Therein originates the anomaly that was to become the matter of Cuba.  Narratives given to plausible formulation of national interests were themselves cultural artifacts and moral imperatives, fashioned under specific historical circumstances and articulated within the prevailing cosmologies of the times.  It could hardly have been otherwise, of course.  The narratives served as the moral framework through which Americans arrived to an understanding of their relationship to Cuba.  The idea of Cuba formed during a time of transcendentalist susceptibilities, where reason yielded to intuition, a time when the certainty of destiny precluded the need for cognitive plausibility.  The claim to Cuba obtained discursive ascendancy as metaphysical musings, full-blown narratives of Providential purpose and Divine intent: all in all, moral warrant inscribed within the mythical idyll through which Americans assembled the terms of collective self-representation.

These musings drew upon different epistemologies, to be sure, but they obtained currency within shared belief systems given to divination and revelation, a belief in destiny as a function of Providential intent and possessed of intelligible design to be intuited and interpreted as auguries of a divinely-ordained future.  Access to knowledge of reality–or more specifically, of realpolitik–assumed the form of metaphysical inference and obtained credence as a matter of faith, and faith drew its sustenance by way of national hubris.  There was a teleology at work here, of course, a people persuaded that geography–in this instance physical proximity–signified a mode of divination.  “To cast the eye upon the map was sufficient to predict [Cuba’s] destiny,” pronounced the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations at mid-century.  Proximity did indeed seem to suggest destiny, and about destiny there was unanimity: it was manifest.  “Judging from  . . . the geographical position of Cuba,” mused poet Walt Whitman in 1858, “there can be little doubt that. . . it will gradually be absorbed into the Union . . . . It is impossible to say what the future will bring forth, but ‘manifest destiny’ certainly points to the speedy annexation of Cuba by the United States.”

There was no small amount of self-deception in these formulations, of course: a people fully in the thrall of myths of their own making and into which they incorporated the need to acquire Cuba as a means of national fulfillment.  But national fulfillment in this instance was rendered principally as an expression of Providential intent: Americans in discharge of a destiny as a matter of Divine design.  “It is because Cuba has been placed by the Maker of all things in such a position on earth’s surface as to make its possession by the United States a geographical and political necessity,” insisted Congressman James Clay at mid-century;  “we must have Cuba, from a necessity which the Maker of the world has created.”  Geography was as a matter of Providential intent, insisted Congressman Townsend Scudder, for Cuba was a “territory that God and nature intended to be a part of the United States.”  The acquisition of Cuba signified the enactment of the natural order of things.  “The natural connexion of Cuba is with the United States,” insisted Secretary of State William Marcy.  Secretary of State Edward Everett agreed.“Cuba lies at our doors,” Everett insisted, evidence that its acquisition by the United States was“in the natural order of things.”

Possession of Cuba was anticipated as the result of the workings of Providential purpose,
less an outcome of human agency than the outcome of Divine intent as the natural order of things.  Cuba was an “unnatural” possession of Spain, John Adams insisted, a relationship that would inevitably be remedied by the laws of Nature.  “There are laws of political, as well as of physical gravitation,” Adams posited in 1823;  “and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connexion with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the NorthAmerican Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her off from its bosom.”

The proposition of proximity was itself both premise and product of subjective vision:
geography invested with the capacity to confirm Providential purport.  Cuba was a “natural appendage” of the United States, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams insisted, whereupon he concluded that the “interests” of Cuba and the United States were “formed by nature.”
Congressman Miles Taylor insisted that Cuba “lies contiguous to our territory,” and to the point: “The geographical position of the island is such that it seems to be marked out by nature to become, at no distant day, part of the Union.”  For John Thrasher the acquisition of Cuba involved “the question whether we shall follow the paths of development which nature has provided for us.”

It required a short leap of faith to propound that Cuba was in fact part of the United States, and thereupon efface altogether the notion of any distance between Cuba and the United
States.  Cuba was “by nature . . . connected with the United States,” Hamilton Fish pronounced.
The “island forms properly an appendage of the Floridas,” U.S. minister to Spain Alexander Everett argued, and Secretary of State Edward Everett pronounced Cuba a “natural appendage to our Continent.”  Senator Shelby Moore Cullom proclaimed Cuba to be “the natural property of the United States, and we will have her some day.”  “Cuba is a mere extension of our Atlantic coast line,” Senator Albert Beveridge insisted, “a geographical annex of Florida” and “a prolongation of the Florida Peninsula,” adding that Cuba was “geographically part of Florida.

Her position in the Gulf makes her American.”  Congressman William Sulzer was emphatic: “Cuba lies at our very door and is a natural part of our geographical domain.”  Senator William Seward insisted that Cuba was literally part of the United States by virtue of its geological origins.  “Every rock and every grain of sand in the island were drifted and washed out from American soil by the floods of the Mississippi, and other estuaries of the Gulf of Mexico,” Lincoln’s future Secretary of State insisted.  “The island has seemed to me . . . to gravitate back again to the parent continent from which it sprang.”

Adam’s metaphor of gravity–“political gravitation”–was the analogy of choice, rendered as another mode by which Divine design would work its intended purpose.  “The natural, God’s law,” U.S. Consul General in Havana Ramon Williams insisted, “forces [Cuba] to gravitate to the United States.”  With regard to the “final destiny of Cuba,” predicted Boston Globe editor Maturin Ballou in 1888, the course of “natural laws” was as certain “in their operation as are those of gravitation,” adding: “[Cuba’s] home is naturally within our own constellation of stars.”

Cuba “belonged naturally in the orbit of the Northern Republic,” writer Isaac Ford insisted in
1893, “and sooner or later will be drawn into its place by the law of economic gravitation . . . . Cuba belongs in the Union.  Nature intended it to be there.”

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1898 was the year of denouement, the point at which the history of both countries wrapped around one another in structural form: Cuba to be bound to the United States, President William
McKinley predicted in 1899, by “ties of singular intimacy.”  The much-anticipated succession of U.S. sovereignty over Cuba was realized as destiny foretold, an outcome long in the making, understood as a matter of the natural order of things and achieved as an act of national completion.  Americans entered the war against Spain in the swoon of history, as if in discharge of prophetic purpose and fulfillment of the natural order of things: the interests of the nation properly–and finally–aligned with the plan of Nature.  History had come to pass as it was meant to, with the  “territory that God and nature intended to be a part of the United States,” in Congressman Scudder’s words, secure under U.S. control. 

The United States went to war–as it always warned it would–to prevent the transfer of Cuba to a third party, in this case, to prevent the transfer of Cuba to Cubans.  The Americans inserted themselves between weakened Spaniards and weary Cubans, to complete the defeat of the former and obstruct the victory of the latter, and thereupon claim Cuba as conquered territory. “The foundation of our authority in Cuba,” proclaimed President McKinley in December 1898, “is the law of belligerent right over conquered territory.”  Years into his retirement, McKinley’s Secretary of War Elihu Root was categorical: “We acquired title to Cuba by conquest.”  By the terms of the Treaty of Paris (1898), Spain transferred sovereignty of Cuba to the United States.  At long last, Cuba was in the possession of the United States.  No one doubted that possession–in one form or other–was intended to be permanent.

 The prerogative of U.S. sovereignty over Cuba was subsequently inscribed into the institutional framework of the Cuban republic by way of the Platt Amendment, incorporated into the Cuban Constitution of 1901 and subsequently ratified as the Permanent Treaty (1903).  That is, the Cuban republic denied essential properties of sovereignty as a condition of its creation: denied authority to enter into “any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers,” forced to cede national territory to accommodate a U.S. naval station, and obliged to concede to the United States “the right to intervene” for the  “maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty.”

The United States thus retained claim to the sovereignty it had wrested from Spain in 1898.  It could have hardly been otherwise, of course, for the national interest could not contemplate renunciation of control over a territory long considered “indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself.”  Certainly this was the purport of a Chicago Tribune editorial in 1906:  “The possession of Cuba has been the dream of American statesmen ever since our government was organized.  Cuba is at our doors . . . a few hours distant from our southern coast.  Our title to it is as good as that of anybody.  We have as righteous a claim to it as the people who are now occupying it.”
But it was more complicated still.  The national narrative that subsequently privileged the protagonists of war as Spain and the United States–the “Spanish-American War”–served also to advance the proposition of Cuban independence from Spain achieved by the efforts of the Americans, through their sacrifices, at the expense of their lives, and through the expenditure of their treasure.  The Cubans had contributed little–or nothing.  “American arms,” Congressman T. J. Selby insisted–and most Americans agreed–“accomplished in a few weeks what Cuba had failed to do in a century and what Cuba never could have done in a century to come.”  This was the United States in the self-proclaimed role of benefactor–a progenitor of sorts–having delivered Cuba from colonial tutelage and guiding the island into nationhood, properly entitled to a claim of enduring Cuban gratitude: one people beholden to another for the sacrifices made in their behalf. Cuba thus “belonged” to the United States in some larger existential sense, Cubans indebted to the Americans who had sacrificed so much to make their very national existence possible.

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 The political forces that crashed upon one another in fateful climax after 1959 were set in motion long before the triumph of the Cuban revolution.  The character of the estrangement that followed had to do with all the history that had preceded it.  The United States responded in defense of historic national interests, made all the more urgent in an environment of Cold War tensions.  But it is also true that U.S. reactions were conditioned within historically-determinated assumptions, where conventions associated with the prerogative of power had assumed the condition of “normal” as a matter of ideological conviction and a function of psychological contingencies.

Confrontation between the United States and Cuba in 1959 escalated rapidly in a familiar sequence of events.  The Americans reacted to Cuban nationalization of U.S. property with economic retaliation, whereupon the Cubans countered with more expropriations, and to which the United States responded with new reprisals, until January 1961 when the United States and Cuba severed diplomatic relations. 

But the worse was yet to come.  The alarm with which the United States responded to Cuban domestic policies was eclipsed by the abhorrence with which it reacted to Cuban foreign policy.  The presence of the Soviet Union in Cuba rekindled the long brooding fears of the nineteenth century, of an adversary establishing itself  “almost within sight of our shores.”  The missiles of October 1962, Soviet submarines in Cienfuegos, and Soviet signals intelligence center in Lourdes: all palpable and menacing confirmation of an expanding Soviet presence.  In a security culture so very much shaped by paradigms of “balance of power” and “spheres of influence,” the presence of the Soviet Union at a distance of 90 miles wrought havoc on some of the most fundamental premises of U.S. strategic thinking–“imperiling the very survival of the United States,” despaired Ambassador Spruille Braden.  Indeed, the rhetoric became dense with apocalyptic forebodings.  “A problem involving our survival,” feared Senator Kenneth Keating. Congressman Mendel Rivers warned of “the agonies of Communist cancer, which most assuredly will engulf the Nation if Cuba is allowed to fester as the cell from which this cancerous growth will spread.”  Central Intelligence Agency Director John McCone was somber: “In my opinion, Cuba was the key to all of Latin America; if Cuba succeeds, we can expect most of Latin America to fall.”  Cuba had developed into the very peril to which 150 years of U.S. policy had been dedicated to preventing.

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It was difficult at the time–and thereafter–to arrange into coherent narrative form the complexity of U.S. reactions to developments in Cuba.  Americans were aghast.  How utterly implausible: of all places, Cuba . . . . News broadcaster Walter Cronkite aptly conveyed something of the cognitive dissonance that jolted the breezy assumptions that informed U.S. knowledge of Cuba: “The rise of Fidel Castro . . . was a terrible shock to the American people.

This brought communism practically to our shores . . . . We kind of considered [Cuba] part of the United States–of course, it is part of America–we considered it part of the United States practically, just a wonderful little country over there that was of no danger to anybody . . . . The country was a little colony.  Suddenly, revolution, and it became communist and allied with the Soviet Union . . . . An ally of the Soviet Union, right off of our shores–it was frightening.”  All in all, profoundly unsettling developments as a vague amorphous anxiety settled over the United
States.  Cuba seemed always to have served as a measure of a preordained natural order. Suddenly everything was out of order.  Former diplomat Wayne Smith was most assuredly correct to suggest that most Americans were overcome with “a sense . . . of the rightful order of things violated.”  Congressman Mendel Rivers alluded to a simpler policy dictum: “Cuba is no foreign land to us.  She is as important to us as any of our own States: she forms part of our hegemony. God, through His divine workings, created our geographical proximity.”

With seeming flagrant impunity, the Cuban leadership had compromised the national security of the United States and exposed the homeland to a vulnerability on an unparalleled scale.  The presence of communists in Cuba was as unimaginable and as it was inadmissible.  But there they were, and worse yet: the United States seemed unable to make them go away.

Americans could hardly contain their indignation.  “Our national honor is vilified,” decried
Senator Gordon Allott;  “an insult to American prestige, a challenge to American dignity,”
Congressman Mendel Rivers protested, which was similar to New York Senator Kenneth Keating’s denunciation of Cuba as “an affront . . . to the dignity of the United States.”  The existence of the Castro government, Senator Barry Goldwater insisted, was “a disgrace and an affront which diminishes the respect with which we are held by the rest of the world.”

Developments in Cuba plunged the United States into a state of confoundment and confusion, which in turn produced angst and anxiety.  Assistant Secretary of State John Hill described in 1959 “puzzlement” among senior officials at the Department of Defense who “do not know either that we have a definite policy or what its nature is.”  The Castro government, brooded Henry Ramsey of the State Department Policy Planning Staff the following year, “has reduced us to a state of semi-paralysis.”

 The Cuban defeat of the U.S.-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion made everything worse, adding insult to injury and transforming what had been an embarrassment into humiliation.  U.S. policy thereupon acquired one of its enduring attributes: punitive purpose.  Only days after theBay of Pigs, the National Security Council resolved to continue “all kinds of harassment to punish Castro for the humiliation he has brought to our door.”  Many of the people party to and participant in the post-Bay of Pigs deliberations remembered vividly the mood of the Kennedy White House.  “Emotional, almost savage,” Under-Secretary Chester Bowles later wrote.  “The President and the U.S. Government had been humiliated,” Bowles recalled and something had to be done “to punish Castro for defeating our abortive invasion attempt.”  Joseph Califano would later describe a “vengeful” ambience and presidential advisor Richard Goodwin remembered President Kennedy being “furious at Castro, who had humiliated his fledgling administration.”

Former Deputy Under-Secretary of State U. Alexis Johnson remembered Kennedy as being “greatly provoked” by Fidel Castro, whom he considered “an affront and wanted him out.”  The presence of the Castro government “offended” the President, Johnson recalled, adding that Kennedy “felt personally humiliated by a communist Cuba, and toppling Castro became something of an obsession for him.”  CIA Deputy Director Bissell later wrote of “the Kennedy administration’s obsession with Cuba,” adding: “From their perspective, Castro won the first round at the Bay of Pigs.  He had defeated the Kennedy team:  they were bitter and they could not tolerate his getting away with it.  The president and his brother were ready to avenge their personal embarrassment by overthrowing their enemy at any cost.”  Something of a “paranoid folly,” Senator Gary Hart later wrote, “an almost endless obsession.”  Former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara was succinct: “We were hysterical about Castro at the time of the Bay of Pigs and thereafter.”

American indignation was further fueled by a distinctive emotional wrath, feelings of being compromised and made vulnerable as if an act of betrayal.  Ire assumed peculiarly personal overtones.  Popular memory of 1898 had developed into something of a proprietary sentimentality toward Cuba.  To the claim to a relationship with Cuba as a matter of Providential purpose had been added something of a claim of loco parentis over the republic that the United States brought into being.  Americans were fond of recalling sacrifice and selfless purpose in behalf of Cuba, remembering with no small amount of self-praise the part they had played in delivering Cuba from Spanish colonialism.  That Cubans, for whom Americans understood themselves to have expended life and treasure to liberate, turned against the United States and aligned themselves with the Soviet Union assumed fully the proportions of treachery and betrayal, a despicable act of ingratitude.  The bonds of “singular intimacy” had been dissolved, and the bitterness that followed was not dissimilar to the animus that often accompanies the dissolution of ties of intimacy.

The acrimony was palpable.  “We who in living memory rescued the island from medieval bondage,” protested Senator Karl Mundt; “we who have given order, vitality, technical wisdom and wealth are now being damned for our civilizing and cooperative virtues!”  Mundt described the American people as “hurt and chagrined,” and denounced Cubans for having desecrated the memory of Americans who had sacrificed their lives to liberate the island.  Mundt called upon
Fidel Castro to show “respect for the memory of the American fighting men who died on San Juan Hill, in Cuban jungles, in the war to give independence to his country.”  With the “long background of  historic relations with Cuba,” Congressman Mendel Rivers decried, “will . . . we forget our obligations toward the Cuban people whom we helped to liberate?”  Rivers denounced “the bearded pipsqueak of the Antilles” who “seized American property in a country that was conceived by America, delivered by America, nurtured by America, educated by America and made a self-governing nation by America,” and warned: “When ingratitude on the part of a nation reaches the point that it has in Cuba, it is time for American wrath to display itself in no uncertain terms.”  Introduced into the Congressional Record of the 106th Congress in June 1960 and a reflection of the national mood was a denunciation by Pennsylvania Supreme Court Justice
Michael Musmanno: “Cuba owes her existence as an independent nation to the United States.
Americans sailors and soldiers gave their blood and their lives to liberate Cuba from Spain . . . . We withdraw our soldiers and continued to send American educators, architects, doctors and dollars to build up that country.  And as a matter of recompense we now look upon the spectacle of the bewhiskered vulgarian who is at present dictating Cuba to her ruin practically spitting on our flag every day . . . . We will hold them accountable for ths misdeeds, their insults, and their ingratitude.”

+++
U.S. policy toward Cuba assumed form under specific historical conditions, under circumstances of heightened Cold War alarm, in a highly politicized environment.  The policy response was  designed to arrest and reverse Soviet encroachment and punish Cuba for aiding and abetting Soviet expansion.  Long after the former ceased to matter, the disposition to the latter persisted.  The United States seemed to bear the Soviets no enduring animus for the attempt to install missiles in Cuba.  The Cubans, on the other hand, would not be forgiven.

The Cuba policy would long retain traces of the shock and trauma of the circumstances of its origins, as a matter of umbrage and grudge, of emotional release and visceral impulses. “Cuba’s move toward communism,” Secretary of State Dean Rusk later wrote, “had been a deep shock to the American people” and produced “a devastating psychological impact on the American people.”  Ambassador Philip Bonsal characterized Americans having “experienced a sense of injury, irritation, and alarm” and Walter Rostow acknowledged that Cuba had produced “a visceral reaction in the government.”  Writer Thomas Freeman alluded to what he characterized as a “psychic damage” caused by the “establishment of a hostile government close to [U.S.] shores” and Theodore Draper wrote of “the hysterical approach to the Cuban problem.”

    Cuba had become personal.  Journalist Daniel James was most assuredly correct to discern as early as 1961 that Cuba had produced “an anguish that was almost personal.”  More than 30 years later, the Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College commented on the persistence of the personal: “There is a personal quality to this three-and-a-half decade conflict that has rarely been noted, but which nevertheless remains very much at the heart of the relationship.”

The personal had indeed become political.  Policy animus focused on the Cuban leadership, and especially Fidel Castro.  Fidel Castro developed into an American obsession.  He seemed to personify evil, transformed simultaneously into an anathema and phantasma, a wicked man with whom honorable men could not treat.  Americans seemed unable to contemplate the person of Fidel Castro rationally.  “In the State Department,” David Lilienthal confided to his diary in January 1962, “I find there is a professional reluctance to mention Castro by name; curious psychological quirk, that.”  Chester Bowles remembered the early 1960s as a time when the United States was “running the danger of becoming so obsessed with Castro that it was increasingly difficult for us to think rationally of the area as a whole.”  Richard Nixon seemed haunted by Cuba and Fidel Castro.  “Cuba was a neuralgic problem for Nixon,” Henry Kissinger recalled years later, observing that Cuba “struck a raw nerve in Nixon,” for “too much of his political life had been tied up with taking a tough stance on this issue,” and further: “Sooner or later he would strike back, and he would then not rest until he had accomplished his objective.” On the matter of Fidel Castro, Nixon was adamant.  “There’ll be no change toward that bastard while I’m President,” he vowed to an aide.  Former Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger recalled a cabinet meeting to discuss Cuba, “the principal target of [Alexander Haig’s] emotion” and about which he spoke with “passionate intensity,” insisting that “it was quite clear we would have to invade Cuba and, one way or another, put an end to the Castro regime.”  The Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College cautioned in 1993 against the “innate emotional appeal” sustaining U.S. policy, adding: “To many, Castro is not merely an adversary, but an enemy–an embodiment of evil who must be punished for his defiance of the United States as well as for other reprehensible deeds.  In this sense, U.S. policy has sought more than a simple solution or containment of Cuba.  There is a desire to hurt the enemy that is mirrored in the malevolence that Castro has exhibited towards us.  If Fidel suffers from a ‘nemesis complex,’ so must assuredly do we.”  New York Times foreign affairs editor Thomas Friedman was correct to suggest in 1999 that the U.S. position on Cuba was “not really a policy. It’s an attitude–a blind hunger for revenge against Mr. Castro.”

These were frustrations that readily served to introduce emotional undercurrents into policy formulation.  Brazilian Ambassador Roberto de Oliveira Campos recalled dealing with American diplomats on the subject of Cuba early in the 1960s: “I found that Saxons are not as rational as they claim to be.  In this particular instance of Cuba they were extremely emotional and quite irrational.”  This was the condition that Under-Secretary David Newsom encountered more than 20 years later.  “Few issues,” Newsom observed in 1987, “are as emotionally charged in American foreign policy as those relating to Cuba,” what Wayne Smith described as “a peculiarly emotional issue in the United States,” and adding:  “Emotion is the enemy of pragmatism inCuban relations.  Cuba excites American passions as do few other foreign-policy issues, if any.”

+++
U.S. dealings with Cuba were thus inscribed in a policy formulation shaped within the experience of trauma and shock, from emotions that were themselves conditioned by historicallylayered assumptions having to do with how Americans thought about Cuba.  It has at least as a much to do with psychology as it does with ideology, for it is a policy that has remained tethered to the complexities of emotional memory.  This is to conceive policy as a social artifact, culturally derived and ideologically driven which, when turned in on itself, can be made to yield insight into the assumptions from which it has persisted long after it has been shown to have failed and is without prospects of success.  The policy in this instance is received in trust and passed on as legacy: with assumptions so deeply embedded in prevailing normative hierarchies that they cease to be apprehended at all.  The policy has developed into something of a tradition to uphold, a commitment to keep faith with and to which eleven presidential administrations have–more or less–subscribed, in a manner not dissimilar to the way that Americans upheld the claims to Cuba during the nineteenth century. 

A spectre haunts U.S. policy in the form of an unforgiving animus toward Cuba.  Decades after the Bay of Pigs, former Under-Secretary of State George Ball continued to brood over Cuba and wrote in tones reminiscent of the ire of the early 1960s.  “Castro’s Cuba formed an overhanging cloud of public shame and obsession,” Ball wrote in 1992.  “Many Americans felt outraged and vulnerable that a Communist outpost should exist so close to their country.  Castro’s Soviet ties seemed an affront to our history.”

How then to engage a government that has “affronted” American history.  Perhaps insisting that Cubans apologize, something of a mea culpa for the transgressions of the twentieth century. 

Circumstances recall the conditions that President Ronald Reagan offered as the basis of rapprochement with the sandinistas: “If the present [Nicaraguan] government would turn around and say ‘Uncle.’”  When asked under what conditions the United States would consider normalization of relations with Cuba, Reagan responded: “What it would take is Fidel Castro, recognizing that he made the wrong choice quite a while ago, and that he sincerely and honestly wants to rejoin the family of American nations and become a part of the Western Hemisphere.” President George Bush similarly encouraged Castro “to lighten up,” vowing: “Unless Fidel Castro is willing to change his policies and behavior, we will maintain our present policy toward Cuba.” Roz Chast titled her 1995 New Yorker cartoon “What Castro Can Do” to return to the good graces of the United States: “He ought to say how sorry he is for all the pain he’s caused everybody, and beg us to forgive him.  Tears wouldn’t hear either.”

That the present Cuban government remains in place and remains unrepentant and, moreover, includes many of the same men associated with the “historic leadership” of the revolution, and that it has successfully defied 50 years of U.S. efforts at regime change, survived the collapse of the Soviet Union, and withstood Torricelli and Helms-Burton, serves to add one more dimension to American pique.

 The policy bears traces of early umbrage at Cuba for deeds done decades ago.  Memory of
Cuban transgressions endures long after the Cold War ended.  Condoleezza Rice acknowledged a “deep disdain” for Fidel Castro based principally on a 40-year-old memory: “Fidel Castro,” she wrote, “whom I remembered mostly for his shortsighted decision to place Soviet missiles aimed at the United States on his territory.”  Knowledge of Castro as  “remembered mostly” for October
1962 sixty years later suggests the power of memory to perpetuate Cold War animus.

Efforts to change U.S. policy have typically been resisted through the invocation of memory.  “Let’s be clear,” Senator Mel Martínez reminded the Senate in 2009, “the Castro regime, under Fidel and Raul Castro, then–as they are today–in power, wanted first strike nuclear attacks against the United States.  Fidel Castro urged the Russians to let the missiles fly toward our soil . . . . These things perpetrated by the Castro brothers who were in power in 1959, and who remain in power today.”  Nor did the succession of Raúl Castro to the presidency change anything.  On the contrary, with regard to October 1962, Martínez insisted, Raúl Castro was “the real Communist.  It was Raul Castro who first went to the Soviet Union and made deals with them about beginning this arms buildup that led to the missile crisis that put the world in peril”

Policy persists as a matter of punitive purpose, what Congresswoman Nancy Johnson discerned during the debates on the proposed Torricelli legislation, a “bill [that] seeks to punish Castro,” and certainly implied by Congressman Robert Terricelli’s comment conveying a vengeful desire “to wreak havoc on that island.”  The policy retains punitive intent to settle scores, to bring Cuba to heel and return to the fold the small wayward island nation that dared to challenge the premise of U.S. power and seemed to have forgotten that the island was a “territory that God and nature intended to be a part of the United States.”

Cuba is more than a place, it is a state of mind, a mind-set possessed of a proper history that has assumed something of a national condition with antecedents deep in the nineteenth century.  A policy in place for more than 50 years has assumed a life of its own: its continuance has no other purpose other than to serve as justification its own longevity.

The prospects of reconciliation with Cuba under the present circumstances are dim indeed. It would require remarkable political courage to challenge a policy legacy so loaded with emotional content.  Reasonable, rational, and reflective deliberations on Cuba have never been easy.  Nothing seems to have changed.  Rapprochement may well have to await the inexorable toll of actuarial remorselessness.

Venezuela Post # 10: The Negotiations Path

John Bolton's Loss of Influence





The Washington Post reported on May 8,

"President Trump is questioning his administration’s aggressive strategy in Venezuela following the failure of a U.S.-backed effort to oust President Nicolás Maduro, complaining he was misled about how easy it would be to replace the socialist strongman with a young opposition figure, according to administration officials and White House advisers.

The president’s dissatisfaction has crystallized around national security adviser John Bolton and what Trump has groused is an interventionist stance at odds with his view that the United States should stay out of foreign quagmires.

Trump has said in recent days that Bolton wants to get him 'into a war' — a comment that he has made in jest in the past but that now betrays his more serious concerns, one senior administration official said."


The Post had written one week earlier,

"As he has pushed for a more aggressive policy, Bolton has angered some within and outside the White House. ... his staff clashed with Gen. Paul Selva, Dunford’s vice chairman, during a meeting to address the ongoing Venezuelan crisis, according to several officials with knowledge of the exchange.


The soft-spoken Air Force general was giving an update last week on the Pentagon’s view and making the case against a risky escalation by the United States when Bolton aides, including Mauricio Claver-Carone, Western Hemisphere director at the National Security Council, repeatedly interrupted and asked for military options, according to the officials.
Selva, irritated at the interruptions and confrontational style rather than the substance of any disagreement, slammed his hand down on the table, his ring hitting the wood with a sharp crack. Bolton deputy Charles Kupperman, who was chairing the meeting, adjourned the session earlier than planned, said the officials, who like others spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations.
A senior administration official said Bolton’s staff was dissatisfied with Selva, who they felt had not presented sufficient military options for Venezuela as expected. Selva, according to people familiar with the interaction, believed the confrontational style of Bolton’s staff was out of line.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/venezuelas-opposition-put-together-a-serious-plan-for-now-it-appears-to-have-failed/2019/05/01/7df68fe0-6c19-11e9-be3a-33217240a539_story.html

**********************

My on line post to NY Times story on Guaido's failure and his new position on negotiations


The Times needs to reflect on its overwhelmingly one sided coverage and editorial opinion of the Venezuela crisis, similar in many ways to the run up to the US invasion of Iraq. John Bolton's attempt to recussitate the Monroe Doctrine, after its burial by Secretary of State Kerry at the OAS, is symptomatic of the fundamental flaw of creating an alternative government to bring about regime change. The Times runs as boilerplate the State Department talking point that "more than 50 countries" recognize Guido, never noting the obvious that some 140 representing most of the world's population don't--including India, Turkey, Italy and Ireland. Finally after the failure of Guaido's last appeal for military disloyalty and invevitable civil war and US troops, the Times is beginning to provide some balance. I suggest you give more coverage to why a sector of the population is still Chavista despite Maduro's failures and how nationalism leads the military to reject a US imposed interim government with an illegimate leader. Have your editors read the International Crisis Group's analysis of the option for a negotiated solution? Our perspective in greater depth with a link to ICG is here https://conta.cc/2HVAWX9 How could the Times have played such a positive role in supporting President Obama's opening with Cuba and then followed Bolton, Claver-Carone and Abrams down a rabbit role aimed ultimately at Havana?

John McAuliff

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/world/americas/venezuela-juan-guaido-nicolas-maduro.html


********************

International Crisis Group


Introduction: "What’s new? Venezuela’s political and economic crisis has split Latin America, debilitated its regional organisations and spurred a mass exodus that is overwhelming under-resourced public services in Colombia and elsewhere. The failed 30 April uprising in Caracas and the humanitarian effects of U.S. sanctions underline the urgency of a negotiated settlement..

Why does it matter? Deadlock in Caracas, deep political polarisation within and among Latin American states, and growing tensions among powers such as the U.S., Russia and China raise the real danger of worsening unrest in Venezuela, cross-border instability and military escalation.

What should be done? Latin American states close to Venezuela’s two sparring camps should join forces with the EU’s International Contact Group and others to push for a negotiated transition, enabling pragmatic Venezuelans to transcend the impasse, form a cross-party government and pave the way to fresh elections."



******************

Trump Undercuts Bolton on North Korea and Iran 

New York Times,  May 28, 2019

in recent days, the disconnect between Mr. Trump and his national security adviser has spilled over into public, sowing confusion around the world about America’s foreign policy, particularly on matters of war and peace....

In private, Mr. Trump has made fun of his adviser’s militant reputation, suggesting that he was the one restraining Mr. Bolton rather than the other way around. “If it was up to John, we’d be in four wars now,” one senior official has recalled the president saying....

One person close to Mr. Trump said the situation resembled the moment when the president turned on Rex W. Tillerson, his first secretary of state, but still took another six months or more to push him out. Others expressed doubt that Mr. Trump would get rid of Mr. Bolton before next year’s re-election campaign....

Mr. Trump has also grown dissatisfied with the results of another of Mr. Bolton’s top priorities: the campaign to push out President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela. While Mr. Bolton has helped rally international condemnation of Mr. Maduro, the domestic opposition inside Venezuela has failed to turn the military against him and oust the president....

At the same time, his allies said he [Bolton] had been misunderstood, cast as favoring military action in Venezuela, for instance, when in fact they say he does not.



*********************

Negotiations 

Norway is playing an important role in fostering dialogue between the Venezuelan government and the opposition that is pretending to be a government.  

An interesting perspective comes from the Norwegian left, an interview by Real News Network with Eirik Vold, a Foreign Policy Adviser for Norway’s Red Party.

GREG WILPERT So, an article that was published in The Miami Herald the other day, quoted an unnamed Norwegian official who was involved in the facilitation efforts. According to the article, the official said, “The opposition’s negotiation mandate is very narrow— Maduro resigns, or nothing. If they only want to negotiate the conditions of Maduro’s surrender, then of course there won’t be an agreement. Their position has to be more realistic.” Now, indeed such a beginning position does not seem to bode well. How do you see the chances for success, based on your knowledge of both Venezuela and Norway’s experience with peace negotiations? 
EIRIK VOLD Well, definitely it’s a difficult task to reconcile those positions. Of course, in the initial phase of a peace negotiation process like this, dialogue like this, they are definitely positions that might seem irreconcilable, but then they will slowly move closer and closer to each other, and in the end, they’ll end up close enough for a deal to be made. It’s definitely a difficult task because Guaido’s whole project, his whole leadership, is based on his promise of a quick fix— Maduro is going to be toppled, and then we’ll have democracy, and it’s going to happen very soon, and that’s what his support is based upon, so the time is essential for him. Now for the rest of the opposition,
I think these claims might not be seen as ideal either. I think what the Norwegian negotiators see is that there is a potential for conciliation in the sense that the government can give something. For example, the vote of the majority who voted for the opposition parties for the elections for the National Assembly, that vote must be respected in the sense that the National Assembly’s authority will be restored, more opposition politicians who are jailed must be freed and be allowed to participate in the elections.
Whereas, the government would say that the sanctions are a crucial factor— they would say that there is no way that we can have truly democratic elections— no election would be democratic when sanctions are being imposed, destroying the livelihood of the majority, of millions of Venezuelans every day. And so, I think in between here, there is a possibility for a deal, but it seems pretty far away and it’s pretty telling that Norway sends this message to the opposition through The Miami Herald. I mean, I think I know a little bit about how the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs does the job, and they are not amateurs. They— this leak is not an accident. It’s probably a very controlled—It’s a message that’s being sent maybe not just to the opposition hardliners, but also to the US. I mean, the US is who gives the opposition leverage through sanctions. So, I wouldn’t be surprised if this is a message directed both to Washington and Miami and to the hardliners in Caracas from the Norwegian government.

Additional detail about Norway's role from Associated Press 


****************

Brazil

A key ally in the US strategy for regime change in Venezuela has been the conservative government of Brazil.  However, John Bolton, et. al. have badly miscalculated that Brasilia's agenda is the same as Washington's and that it would support military intervention.  From a May 31 Reuters story

Brazil withdraws diplomatic invite to Venezuelan opposition envoy
BRASILIA (Reuters) - Brazil’s government withdrew an invitation to an official ceremony sent to the envoy for Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaidó, she said on Friday, playing down the idea that it showed scepticism from President Jair Bolsonaro’s ex-military advisers.
 The former generals making up nearly a third of Bolsonaro’s cabinet have been wary of provoking Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, warning against moves that could tip an economic and political crisis into violence across Brazil’s northern border....
Brazilian newspapers Folha de S.Paulo and O Globo reported that Bolsonaro’s government had cancelled her invitation because ex-military aides want to pursue dialogue with Maduro, who also has an official representative in Brasilia....
Venezuela recently reopened its border crossing to Brazil after a nearly three-month closure, and Bolsonaro’s aides are working to restore more regular power supply for the Brazilian state of Roraima, which depends on the Venezuelan grid. 
Bolsonaro, like many heads of state in the region, has been sharply critical of the Maduro government, and advisers to U.S. President Donald Trump have pressed him to take a harder line.
Mr. Bolsonaro’s top security adviser, retired General Augusto Heleno, told Reuters two weeks ago that Venezuela’s armed forces will decide Mr. Maduro’s future and could depose him to lead a transition to democratic elections. 
“Recognition of Guaido’s envoy was never agreed to by the military, who vetoed the idea of a U.S. base in Brazil from day one,” said Brazilian diplomat Paulo Roberto de Almeida.
https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-brazil-snubs-venezuelan-opposition-envoy-as-doubts-rise-on-juan-guaido/

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Exclusive: In secret recording, Pompeo opens up about Venezuelan opposition, says keeping it united ‘has proven devilishly difficult’

By John Hudson
June 5 at 3:21 PM

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo offered a candid assessment of Venezuela’s opposition during a closed-door meeting in New York last week, saying that the opponents of President Nicolás Maduro are highly fractious and that U.S. efforts to keep them together have been more difficult than is publicly known.

“Our conundrum, which is to keep the opposition united, has proven devilishly difficult,” Pompeo said in an audio recording obtained by The Washington Post. “The moment Maduro leaves, everybody’s going to raise their hands and [say], ‘Take me, I’m the next president of Venezuela.’ It would be forty-plus people who believe they’re the rightful heir to Maduro.”

The remarks provide a rare window into the challenges the Trump administration faces as the momentum to oust Maduro stalls and some of the countries that initially backed the opposition explore alternative diplomatic paths to resolve the crisis.

Pompeo said he was confident Maduro would eventually be forced out, but “I couldn’t tell you the timing.”

He said the difficulty of uniting the opposition has not only played out in “public for these last months, but since the day I became CIA director, this was something that was at the center of what President Trump was trying to do.”

 “We were trying to support various religious . . . institutions to get the opposition to come together,” he said.

He expressed regret that during a failed April 30 bid to incite a military uprising, competing interests among Maduro’s enemies and rivals prevented the socialist dictator’s swift exit....

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/exclusive-pompeo-opens-up-about-venezuelas-opposition-says-keeping-it-united-has-proven-devilishly-difficult/2019/06/05/85385a33-8eae-4ba5-a9ac-6b7b8c3d5762_story.html

Monday, May 20, 2019

Cuba related panels and events at LASA Boston May 24 - 26


This is an incomplete list, created from the topics that caught my attention at the annual convention of the Latin American Studies Association.  Many prospective Cuban participants cannot attend because of the complications of obtaining visas in Havana.  For complete program, click here    https://www.lasaweb.org/uploads/lasa2019-program-final_en.pdf


Friday  9 a.m. film the Cubanos of Harvard

058 // INT - Workshop - Friday, 9:00am - 10:30am, SB Jamaica Pond Security cooperation in the era of Trump: U.S.-Cuba, Europe-Cuba, U.S.-Mexico and Latin America Session Organizer: Geoffrey F Thale, Washington Office on Latin America Chair: Geoffrey F Thale, Washington Office on Latin America Discussant: Santiago Espinosa Bejerano, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional Presenters: Anna Ayuso, Fundación CIDOB Soraya M Castro Mariño, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional adscrito al Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI) Noel Martínez Miranda, CIPI / Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI)

101 // CUL - Panel - Friday, 10:45am - 12:15pm, SB Hampton A Lazos culturales en el espacio transnacional Session Organizer: Mario Cremata Ferran, Oficina del Historiador Chair: Mario Cremata Ferran, Oficina del Historiador Discussant: Diane de Lourdes Sariol Roque FRIDAY 10:45AM - 12:15PM LASA2019 - 17 América Latina en Rusia: Reflexiones sobre la representación cultural y artística de lo latinoamericano a través del prisma ruso: Santiago Monsalve Salazar, University of Vladimir Russia Bridges Not Walls: un proyecto para el intercambio cultural entre Cuba y Estados Unidos: Yudith Vargas Riverón Centro Histórico de La Habana: gesta rehabilitadora e identidad americanista: Mario Cremata Ferran, Oficina del Historiador Los archivos de música: conexiones histórico-culturales entre Casa de las Américas y el Caribe: Diane de Lourdes Sariol Roque Poesía, música e identidad en los Estados Unidos: Julia de Burgos celebrada en el convulso espejo de Leonard Bernstein: Edgardo M Diaz Diaz, Independent

145 // LAW - Panel - Friday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, MCP Exeter Cuba's Constitutional Reform Session Organizer: Michel Fernández Pérez Chair: Michel Fernández Pérez Discussant: Mylai Burgos Matamoros, Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México (UACM) La nueva reforma constitucional en Cuba. ¿Transición hacia nuevas formas de propiedad¬? Retos y dificultades desde una perspectiva de análisis jurídico: Maria Antonia Hevia Román Nueva consitucion en Cuba, continuidad, ¿y cambio?: Michel Fernández Pérez Reforma ciudadania y migracion en Cuba: Ahmed Correa

159 // ECO - Panel - Friday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Berkeley B Inclusion within the new Constitution: the role of Social Entrepreneurship in Cuba Sponsor: Center for the Studies of the Cuban Economy Session Organizer: Juan Alejandro Triana Barros, Universidad de La Habana Discussant: Emily M Medley Inclusion, inequalities and opportunities: A glance to the Cuban Private Sector:: Juan Alejandro Triana Barros, Universidad de La Habana The Statist Model of Cuban Entrepreneurship: How “social” is it?: Emily M Medley System of pensions and the Private Sector in Cuba: An opportunity out of the crisis: Henry Colina Hernández

223 // HIS - Panel - Friday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Fairfax A Local Histories, Regional Histories, Transnational Histories Session Organizer: Guillemette Martin, Universidad Iberoamericana Chair: Yosley Domínguez González Exploration, Exploitation and Creation: The Hybrid Waterscape of Temacapulín, Mexico: Fernando Amador II, PhD Student Güines bajo la sombra de la historia: Yosley Domínguez González Identidad local y regionalismo en perspectiva global y comparada. Los casos de México, Perú y Canadá (finales del siglo XIX-inicios del siglo XX): Guillemette Martin, Universidad Iberoamericana Influencias irlandesas en el pensamiento político cubano del siglo XIX: Dúnyer Jesús Pérez Roque, Oficina del Historiador de Ciudad de La Habana

230 // INT - Roundtable - Friday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Jamaica Pond People-to-People, State-to-State: The complicated case of U.S. -Cuba travel Session Organizer: Sharon L Wrobel, University of Memphis Chair: Sandra Yisel Ramírez Rodríguez Presenters: Sandra Yisel Ramírez Rodríguez Sharon L Wrobel, University of Memphis Rodrigo H. González Elizabeth Ribalta Rubiera

335 // MIG - Panel - Friday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, MCP Falmouth La diáspora cubana a través del tiempo e espacio Session Organizer: Cristina C López-Calleja HiortLorenzen, Universidad de La Habana Chair: Leduan Ramírez Pérez Las migraciones desde Cuba hacia el mundo y viceversa; consecuencias políticas, económicas y demográficas.: Cristina C López-Calleja Hiort-Lorenzen, Universidad de La Habana Las relaciones migratorias entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos. La crisis de Boca de Camarioca de 1965 como caso de estudio: Dayana Menéndez Pérez Características, tipologías y proyecciones de los contactos y prácticas transnacionales de los migrantes cubanos en México (1990-2017): Leduan Ramírez Pérez Ni secos ni mojados: apuntes de la historia reciente de la emigración en Cuba: Ivyliet Ventura Kesse

WELCOME CEREMONY Friday, May 24, 7:30 pm Hotel: Marriott Copley Place Room: Salon E All registered participants are invited to attend the LASA2019 Welcome Ceremony. LASA awards for this year will be announced during this ceremony including a brief recognition of awardees. WELCOME RECEPTION Friday, May 24, 8:30 pm Hotel: Marriott Copley Place Room: Salon E and F All registered participants are invited to attend the LASA2019 Welcome Reception following the Welcome Ceremony. 

THE LASA2019 BOOK EXHIBIT Friday, May 24 – Monday, May 27 Hotel: Marriott Copley Place Room: Gloucester Hall The book exhibit hours will be: Friday, May 24 9:30 am – 7:30 pm Saturday, May 25 9:30 am – 7:30 pm Sunday, May 26 9:30 am – 7:30 pm Monday, May 27 9:30 am – 12:30 pm Admission to the book exhibit is free for registered attendees

433 // EDU - Panel - Saturday, 10:45am - 12:15pm, SB Beacon C Academic Exchanges: Their Role in Promoting International Understanding and Inclusion Sponsor: The Cuba Program, Columbia University Session Organizer: Margaret E Crahan, Columbia University Chair: Philip Brenner, American University Discussant: Margaret E Crahan, Columbia University Retando lo conocido: Giselle Garcia Castro, RTV Comercial Overcoming a Long Legacy of Distrust in US-Cuba Relations: The Role of Educational Exhanges: Teresa Juana Garcia Castro, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) Coming to America (in the Trump Era): Harold Cardenas Lema It's Different: A Case Study of Objectives in Career Development in Cuba and the US: Jesus Noel Boucourt Vega, UCSD's School of Global Policy and Strategy

449 // ECO - Panel - Saturday, 10:45am - 12:15pm, SB Fairfax B Economía política, crecimiento y equidad en las condiciones actuales de Cuba Session Organizer: Mauricio De Miranda Parrondo, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Chair: Omar Everleny Pérez Villanueva, Centro Cristiano de Reflexión y Diálogo, Cuba Discussant: Pavel Vidal Alejandro, Universidad Javeriana Cali Los problemas de la propiedad y el funcionamiento económico en la economía política de la reforma en la nueva Constitución cubana.: Mauricio De Miranda Parrondo, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali La reforma (actualización) del modelo económico y el nivel de vida de la población de Cuba.: José Luis R Rodríguez, CIEM Crecimiento, equidad y política fiscal en Cuba.: Pedro Manuel Monreal González, UNESCO Desigualdades sociales en Cuba en el contexto de la actualización del modelo económico: retos y desafíos: Denisse Delgado, University of Massachusetts, Boston

500 // PIP - Panel - Saturday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Fairfax B Cuba After Castro: A New Model of “Prosperous and Sustainable” Socialism Session Organizer: William M LeoGrande, American University Chair: Philip Brenner, American University Discussant: William M LeoGrande, American University Cuba’s Emerging Economic Model: Ricardo Torres Pérez, University of Havana Cuban Foreign Policy from Raúl to Díaz-Canel: John M Kirk, Dalhousie University

518 // BIO - Panel - Saturday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Arnold Arboretum Justicia ambiental en clave de equidad social. Aportes desde experiencias comunitarias cubanas Session Organizer: Mirlena Rojas Piedrahita, Centro de Investigaciones Psicológicas y Sociológicas (CIPS). Ministerio de Ciencia Tecnología y Medio Ambiente Chair: Jusmary Gómez Arencibia La metodología de Mapa Verde desde la perspectiva de la equidad social: Liana Margarita Bidart Cisneros La participación ciudadana desde un enfoque de equidad social. Miradas desde comunidades SATURDAY 12:30PM - 2:00PM LASA2019 - 88 cubanas: María de los Ángeles Vilaboy Rodríguez, Centro Félix Varela “Con todos y para el bien de todos”: la transformación medioambiental desde la articulación local: Mirlena Rojas Piedrahita, Centro de Investigaciones Psicológicas y Sociológicas (CIPS). Ministerio de Ciencia Tecnología y Medio Ambiente; Gustavo Blanco Vale

565 // ECO - Panel - Saturday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Berkeley B Economic Transition in Cuba Chair: Paul Johnson, Chicago Foods International / US Agriculture Coalition for Cuba Growing relations with Cuba from the ground up; a case for U.S. and Cuba agriculture cooperation: Paul Johnson, Chicago Foods International / US Agriculture Coalition for Cuba El trabajo privado, su obligatoria inclusión a partir del impacto en el desarrollo local: Suilán Rodríguez Trasancos, Casa de las Américas

573 // ECO - Roundtable - Saturday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Fairfax B ¿Hacia dónde va el cuentapropismo en Cuba? Un conversatorio abierto entre académicos y cuentapropistas Session Organizer: Ted A Henken, City University of New York/Baruch College Presenters: Ted A Henken, City University of New SATURDAY 2:15PM - 3:45PM LASA2019 - 97 York/Baruch College Ricardo Torres Pérez, University of Havana Denisse Delgado, University of Massachusetts, Boston Oniel Diaz Castellanos Camilo Condis Mojena, Artecorte
583 // MIG - Panel - Saturday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, MCP Falmouth Mapping Exile and Displacement Session Organizer: Guillermo J Grenier, Florida International University Chair: Maria Aysa-Lastra, Winthrop University From Conflict to Peace: Economic and Social Integration of Internally Displaced Persons in Colombia: Maria Aysa-Lastra, Winthrop University El Fin de «Exilio»: Evaluando los cambios de opiniones hacia Cuba y su gobierno dentro de la diáspora del sur de la Florida después de sesenta años de su creación: Guillermo J Grenier, Florida International University La integración social de la población refugiada en España: Juan Iglesias, Prof. International Migration Institute. Univ. P. Comillas. Mapping displacements of Brazilian political exiled (1960s-1970s): Elisa Klüger, CEBRAP / Princeton

588 // SEC - LASA Section Workshops - Saturday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Clarendon “Nuestra América” de José Martí: concepto, práctica y trascendencia Sponsor: Cuba Centro de Estudios Martianos, Cuba. Session Organizer: Pedro Pablo Rodriguez Lopez, Centro de Estudios Martianos Discussant: Ofelia M Schutte, University of South Florida Presenters: Mayra Beatriz Martínez, Centro de Estudios Martianos Lisandro Pérez, John Jay College, City University of New York Vivian Auffant Adriana I Novoa, University of South Florida Mario Juan Valdés Navia

595 // INT - Panel - Saturday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, SB Riverway Relaciones Cuba-EE.UU.: Donald Trump y los cambios en el contexto latinoamericano Session Organizer: Claudia Marín, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional Chair: Noel Martínez Miranda, CIPI / Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI) Cambios en la integración regional: el nuevo contexto político y las relaciones América Latina y el Caribe – EE.UU. bajo la administración Trump: Claudia Marín, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional El dilema de la lucha contra el narcotráfico y otros delitos conexos en torno al conflicto Cuba y Estados Unidos: Santiago Espinosa Bejerano, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional Cuba en la política exterior de Estados Unidos hacia América Latina bajo la presidencia de Donald Trump: Noel Martínez Miranda, CIPI / Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISR


Saturday 3:00 – 3:30 p.m. Rice in the Time of Sugar: The Political Economy of Food in Cuba (University of North Carolina Press) - Louis A. Perez Jr

625 // LAT - Workshop - Saturday, 4:00pm - 5:30pm, MCP Salon C Cuba – U.S. Relations in the 19th Century and Now: Emilia – An Untold Latinx Story Session Organizer: Lillian Manzor, University of Miami Chair: Lillian Manzor, University of Miami Presenters: Carmen E Lamas, University of Virginia Lisandro Pérez, John Jay College, City University of New York


The Cuban Revolution 60 Years Later Saturday, May 25 4:00 p.m. to 5:30 p.m. Location: Boston Marriott Copley Place Hotel, Salon E Organizers: Carlos A. Aguirre (University of Oregon) Lynn M. Stephen (University of Oregon) Chair: Alejandro De La Fuente (Harvard University) Presenters: Zuleica Romay (Casa de las Américas) Carlos Alzugaray Treto (Revista Temas) Carmelo Mesa-Lago (University of Pittsburgh) Lillian Guerra (University of Florida) ABSTRACT On January 1, 1959, Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista fled the country; a week later, revolutionary troops led by Fidel Castro entered Havana to the jubilation of most Cubans, who saw in them the promise of a democratic, egalitarian, and sovereign society. The revolutionary victory changed the course of history for Cuba and the entire Western Hemisphere and effectively improved the lives of most Cubans through radical social reforms. Over the next few years the United States punished Cuba with an economic embargo and other measures, Fidel declared the socialist nature of the revolution, a single-party system was imposed, and political opposition was banned. Today, 60 years later, many things have changed, but many others remain in place. The revolution’s goals and promises continue to inspire and mobilize people in Cuba and beyond, but the challenges and setbacks it has faced are also part of its legacy. This session will address the various dimensions of the past, present, and future of the revolution.


675 // MTG - Meeting - Saturday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, SB Commonwealth Cuba Section- Business Meeting Contact Person: Carlos Alzugaray Treto, Revista Temas

681 // ECO - Panel - Saturday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, SB Berkeley B El emprendimiento privado en Cuba, trazos en una nación que se transforma. Su visión desde CubaEmprende Session Organizer: William Bello Sánchez Chair: Raydel García López Discussant: William Bello Sánchez CubaEmprende como referente de capacitación de los negocios privados en Cuba, su evolución e impacto: Jorge Mandilego Los negocios privados en Cuba, perspectivas en el presente y futuro de la nación. Un acercamiento desde la impronta de CubaEmprende: William Bello Sánchez Posicionamiento del emprendimiento privado cubano, en el contexto de las tran

749 // CUL - Panel - Sunday, 9:00am - 10:30am, MCP Exeter Desigualdades en la sociedad cubana. Miradas desde las Ciencias sociales, la Educación, y las subjetividades Session Organizer: Rodrigo Espina Prieto, Instituto Cubano de Investigación Cultural Juan Marinello Chair: Elaine Morales Chuco, Instituto Cubano de Investigación Cultural "Juan Marinello" Discussant: Fernando Luis Rojas López Las desigualdades sociales en las ciencias sociales cubanas. Una mirada hacia la última década: Rodrigo Espina Prieto, Instituto Cubano de Investigación Cultural Juan Marinello Identidades juveniles y desigualdades sociales en Cuba: Elaine Morales Chuco, Instituto Cubano de Investigación Cultural "Juan Marinello" Apropiación comunicacional y esfera pública: de la participación a la inclusión: Beatriz Drake

782 // GEN - Panel - Sunday, 9:00am - 10:30am, SB Beacon F Searching for Gender Equality through Activism and Constitutional Reforms Session Organizer: Yamila González Ferrer, Universidad de La Habana, Unión Nacional de Juristas de Cuba Discussant: Myrna Beatriz Méndez López, Universidad de Oriente Igualdad de género en el constitucionalismo cubano: Yamila González Ferrer, Universidad de La Habana, Unión Nacional de Juristas de Cuba Igualdad y genero desde la jurisprudencia constitucional iberoamericana: Leonardo B Pérez Gallardo La confección de artesanías textiles en Azajo, México: una vía para el empoderamiento de las mujeres p’urhépechas: Lorena Ojeda-Davila, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo LUGAR DE MULHER A participação da Indígena nos Movimentos Feministas e Indígenas do Estado do Amazonas: Ivânia Maria C Vieira, Universidade Federal do Amazonas Narrarse mujer, narrarse hombre: narrarse desde el género en las distintas etapas de vida: Andrea Vizcaíno, El Colegio de México

784 // MIG - Panel - Sunday, 9:00am - 10:30am, MCP Yarmouth Spaces of Exclusion, Inclusions and Return Session Organizer: Amy L Cohen, Okanagan College On the Margins: Migrant Farmworkers and Public Space in British Columbia, Canada: Amy L Cohen, Okanagan College; Susana Caxaj Educational Equity in the Context of Post-Disaster Displacement: Teachers and Students Explore Transnational Space and Place in Florida and Puerto Rico: Molly Hamm-Rodriguez, University of Colorado Boulder; Astrid N Sambolín Morales, University of Colorado Boulder Derechos sociales de los migrantes de retorno: un nuevo escenario para las políticas públicas en América Latina. El caso de Cuba (2013-2018): Ileana Sorolla Fernandez, Universidad de La Habana Representaciones de mujeres migrantes retornadas a Colombia: resignificando imaginarios: Tatiana Caceres, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana

788 // HIS - Panel - Sunday, 9:00am - 10:30am, SB Fairfax A The Harvard Cubans Session Organizer: Danny González Lucena Chair: Rainer G Schultz, Harvard University, CASA / Casa de las Américas Discussant: Erin Goodman, DRCLAS, Harvard University The Harvard Summer School for Cuban Teachers: Cultural Exchange, Racism, Feminism, and Nationalism: Marial I Utset, Harvard University; Danny González Lucena Más allá de Harvard, 1900: analogues for later times: Michael Bustamante, Florida International University ¿Hacia una escuela cubana en Cuba libre? On the impact of Harvard Summer School on Cuban pedagogy: Rainer G Schultz, Harvard University, CASA / Casa de las Américas


Lars Schoultz Winner of the 2019 Kalman Silvert Award KALMAN SILVERT AWARD PRESENTATION Sunday, May 26, 10:45 a.m. – 12:15 p.m. Hotel: Marriott Copley / Room: Salon E

844 // INT - Panel - Sunday, 10:45am - 12:15pm, SB Jamaica Pond SUNDAY 10:45AM - 12:15PM LASA2019 - 140 The Foreign Policy of the Cuban Revolution: 1959 The Turning Point Session Organizer: Raúl Rodríguez Rodríguez, Universidad de La Habana Chair: John M Kirk, Dalhousie University Discussant: Lana Wylie, McMaster University Canada and Cuba: Engagement and Dialogue: Raúl Rodríguez Rodríguez, Universidad de La Habana Spain and Cuba: A very special relationship.: Joaquín Roy, University of Miami Havana, Moscow and Global Politics: Mervyn John Bain, Universidad de Aberdeen

887 // EDU - Panel - Sunday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Beacon D La universidad cubana en la actualización del modelo económico y social inclusivo y justo Session Organizer: Mariela Montesino Rodríguez, Universidad de Ciencias Médicas de La Habana (UCMH - MINSAP) Chair: Ana María M Durán Fonseca, Universidad de Ciencias Médicas de La Habana (UCMH - MINSAP) La actualización del modelo socialista cubano: un proyecto de participación colectiva de nación y de justicia e inclusión social: Rafael Emilio Cervantes Martínez, Ministerio de Educación Superior de la República de Cuba La actualización del modelo económico y social cubano como eje integrador y de participación social en los procesos sustantivos de la Educación Superior: Lucilo Batlle Reyes, Ministerio de Educación Superior de la República de Cuba La participación de las universidades cubanas en proyectos socioculturales y comunitarios para el desarrollo local: Yusmila Zamora Silva, Ministerio de Educación Superior de la República de Cuba Universidad y desarrollo local en el contexto actual y futuro: Jorge Núñez Jover, Universidad de La Habana

890 // INT - Panel - Sunday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Riverway Más allá de Trump: Retos y oportunidades para el retorno al proceso hacia la normalización de relaciones Cuba-Estados Unidos Session Organizer: Soraya M Castro Mariño, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional adscrito al Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI) Chair: Mario N Bronfman, Ford Foundation Trump and His Advisers: Impact on the Molding of US Foreign Policy: Margaret E Crahan, Columbia University A Detour on the Road to Normalization: U.S.-Cuban Relations During Donald Trump’s Presidency: William M LeoGrande, American University Las Relaciones Cuba-Estados Unidos: Perspectivas sobre el proceso hacia la normalización bajo la Administración de Donald Trump: Soraya M Castro Mariño, Centro de Investigaciones de Política Internacional adscrito al Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI) Strategies for Advancing Empathy in the US-Cuban Relationship: Philip Brenner, American University Desafíos y oportunidades desde las representaciones sociales en la construcción del diálogo entre Cuba y EE.UU.: Sunamis Fabelo

899 // HIS - Panel - Sunday, 12:30pm - 2:00pm, SB Fairfax A Nuevas perspectivas sociales, políticas y culturales sobre la Revolución cubana Session Organizer: Jose A De Leon Gonzalez, Harvard University Chair: Eloise L Linger, State University of NewYork/Old Westbury From Coca-Cola to Cola-Cultura: Time, Lines, and Patterns of Consumption in 1980s Cuba: Alexis Baldacci, Bates College Isla piloto del comunismo: una historización de las políticas y los lenguajes de radicalización en los últimos años sesenta en Cuba: Jose A De Leon Gonzalez, Harvard University Biografía intelectual de Haydée Santamaría: Karem Tiffany Castañón Hernández Toward a more inclusive History of the Cuban Revolution of 1959: Eloise L Linger, State University of NewYork/Old Westbury


922 // MIG - Panel - Sunday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, MCP Orleans Comunidad china en Cuba: asociacionismo, inclusión y participación Session Organizer: Raúl Pérez Monzón, Universidad de La Habana Chair: María Teresa Montes de Oca Choy, Universidad de La Habana Cuba: el impacto de la Revolución en la comunidad china: Raúl Pérez Monzón, Universidad de La Habana Presente y futuro del asociacionismo en la Cuba del siglo XXI. Las sociedades chinas: María Teresa Montes de Oca Choy, Universidad de La Habana

929 // SEC - LASA Section Workshops - Sunday, 2:15pm - 3:45pm, MCP Vineyard Dictadura, insurgencia e infancia: niños de nuestra América en la Cuba revolucionaria Sponsor: Cuba Session Organizer: Iraida H López, Ramapo College of New Jersey Chair: Iraida H López, Ramapo College of New Jersey Discussant: Julio César Guanche Zaldívar, Unión de Escritores y Artistas de Cuba (UNEAC) Presenters: Macarena Aguiló Marchi Virginia Ines I Croatto Alejandro Ramírez Anderson, Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC) Jorge Barudy Labrin Susana C Brardinelli


982 // LAB - Panel - Sunday, 4:00pm - 5:30pm, MCP Boyslton Cambio en los modelos de efectividad organizacional en las empresas cubanas. Session Organizer: Zoe Bello Chair: Adalberto Ávila Vidal, Universidad de La Habana Diagnóstico de la efectividad organizacional en empresas cubanas.: Adalberto Ávila Vidal, Universidad de La Habana Potenciación de recursos sociopsicológicos para el trabajo en equipo en procesos de cambio e innovación.: Maiky Díaz Pérez Competencias para la gestión eficaz de la seguridad y salud en el trabajo.: Arianne Medina Macias La gestión emocional en el ámbito organizacional.: Zoe Bello


1036 // PIP - Workshop - Sunday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, MCP Wellesley Authoritarian politics in contemporary Venezuela Session Organizer: Raul A Sanchez Urribarri, La Trobe University Chair: Margarita López Maya, Universidad Central de Venezuela/CENDES Presenters: Jennifer M Cyr, University of Arizona Maryhen G Jiménez Morales, University of Oxford Víctor M Mijares, Universidad de los Andes, Colombia

1057 // HIS - Panel - Sunday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, SB Gardner B Energy, Environment, and Power Relations in Modern Cuba: An Interdisciplinary History, 19th-21st Centuries Session Organizer: Eric Gettig, Georgetown University Chair: Reinaldo Funes-Monzote, Universidad de La Habana Discussant: Reinaldo Funes-Monzote, Universidad de La Habana Cuba Between Energy Empires: Deforestation, Sugar and Slavery, Fossil-Fuel Capitalism, and Transnational Development Visions in the Circum-Caribbean and Atlantic Worlds, 19th-20th Centuries: Eric Gettig, Georgetown University The quest for energy alternatives and sustainable development in post-1959 Cuba: Helen Yaffe, University of Glasgow Maintaining Power: Decarbonization and Recentralization in Cuba’s Energy Revolution: Gustav Cederlof


1076 // ECO - Panel - Sunday, 5:45pm - 7:15pm, SB Berkeley B Opciones de inserción internacional en las nuevas condiciones de la economía cubana Session Organizer: Mauricio De Miranda Parrondo, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Chair: Pavel Vidal Alejandro, Universidad Javeriana Cali Discussant: Mauricio De Miranda Parrondo, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Papel de la inversión extranjera directa en el desarrollo económico en Cuba: Omar Everleny Pérez Villanueva, Centro Cristiano de Reflexión y Diálogo, Cuba The Cuban Tourism Industry: Evolution, Challenges, and Prospects: Paolo Spadoni, Augusta University Cuba's 'hedge' policy and Asia: Kanako Yamaoka, Institute of Developing Economics