The Communist Party shows no signs
of life
July 8, 2025
Judging by the press reports on
the 10th Plenary Session of the Central Committee, the Cuban Communist Party
(PCC) seems to live more in another country than in the Cuba of 2025. While
citizen unrest increases and material conditions deteriorate, the country's
highest political authorities are meeting without live broadcasts of their
debates, in a concert of unanimous opinions and without exhibiting a sufficient
sense of urgency. Rather than being a forum for deliberation, the Plenary
Session seems more like a symbolic reaffirmation than a tool for agreeing on
public policies in an increasingly adverse environment.
The 10th Plenary Session of the PCC
Central Committee, held on July 4 and 5, was an opportunity for its leadership
to frankly acknowledge the magnitude of the crisis. It failed to do so. Despite
the economic collapse, widespread social unrest, and the loss of confidence in
the official discourse, the Party—while superficially acknowledging some of
these problems—continues to complacently look inward, locked into its own
formulas, lacking sufficient self-criticism or will for structural change.
However, there is still time. Instead
of persisting in its isolation, the Party could choose another path: engaging
in real politics. Recovering its vocation to represent, engage in dialogue, and
persuade. But at this critical moment, what is impossible to ignore is that it
has chosen not to do so. To top it all off, it continues to insist on a
discourse that divides Cubans into patriots and enemies, without demonstrating
any ability or interest in governing for all Cubans. That is the image its
critics have historically sought to portray, and which the Party now willingly
reinforces.
For decades, the Party maintained its
authority in a peculiar balance: it was neither truly democratic nor
illegitimate. Part of its legitimacy stemmed from tangible achievements in
health, education, and equality, but also from its outright opposition to an
external enemy with little moral standing in the region: the United States.
The Party maintained its
authority in a peculiar balance: it was not truly democratic, but neither was
it illegitimate.
Over time, that narrative changed. The
Special Period marked a profound fracture; even so, several of these guarantees
remained. But after Fidel Castro's departure, first due to illness and then
death, the Party was left without its central figure. Since then, the gap
between official discourse and everyday life has become undeniable.
Today, fewer and fewer Cubans believe
in the revolutionary epic. The Party no longer represents a promise of the
future. In fact, quite the opposite; for many, it is now an obstacle to
achieving it. And this discredit is not only a product of the blockade and the
international context: it is the direct consequence of a series of clumsy
decisions, a failure to listen, and a systematic denial of the signs of wear
and tear.
The most radical political
transformation in Cuba has not occurred in the structures of the state, but in
the thinking of its people. Exhaustion, frustration, and mass emigration are
symptoms of a rupture already in progress.
The Party has lost its monopoly
on hope. Its narrative no longer defines the
present, much less the future. And the most serious thing is that it doesn't
seem to be aware of this. Heir to a political culture that punishes internal
criticism, it has fallen into a dynamic of institutional self-deception, where
problems are camouflaged with euphemisms and the solution is always "on
the way."
The situation is so dire that, in
certain areas of the country, the state has retreated to the point that
churches and religious communities, previously marginalized or under
surveillance, fill the void by listening, assisting, and providing meaning. These
institutions, in many cases, even maintain conservative agendas that run
counter to the idea of progress and social
rights that have traditionally permeated the Cuban revolutionary ideology.
Where the Party no longer reaches, other actors are taking its place, offering
what the political system can no longer provide: a paradigm of life and the
resources to achieve it.
The fact that the Party has lost
legitimacy doesn't mean the opposition is ready, united, or deserving of
replacing it. Most dissident actors still lack a clear strategy. And they often
give the impression of preferring collapse to building viable alternatives.
Government repression isn't
necessarily the main reason for the opposition's weakness. There is inertia
among the forces opposed to the PCC. Inside Cuba, the opposition needs the
desperation of citizens to grow its ranks. Outside, the most visible exile community
continues to be dominated by a political class with dubious democratic
credentials and a long history of aligning itself with authoritarian agendas
and disrespecting national sovereignty.
Government repression
isn't necessarily the main reason for the opposition's weakness. There is
inertia among the forces opposed to the CCP.
Rather than a democratic project, much
of the opposition offers nostalgia and revenge. And so the political vacuum
grows.
In his time, Fidel Castro represented
a charismatic and foundational leadership. However, almost a decade later, his
absence leaves a model dependent on the leader, without leadership to sustain
it.
The new generation of leaders fails to
mobilize or inspire, and they delegate to repression what they cannot achieve
through politics. Raúl Castro, though less charismatic, at least attempted
reforms, but his legacy was trapped by the inertia of the system, the
reluctance of some of his contemporaries, and international events beyond his
control.
One of the faces most associated with
stagnation is José Ramón Machado Ventura, who for years headed the Organization
Department, and with it the Party's cadre policy. For many, his influence left
an organization lacking real renewal, lacking connection to society, lacking
the ability to articulate. However, a fair judgment of him is difficult; we may
never know how many decisions were his own volition and how many times he was
the executive arm of others.
However cynical one may be about the
organization, it's necessary to mention that there is also a significant amount
of sacrifice among many of its members. I prefer not to speculate about the top
leadership; however, at the mid-level and grassroots, working within the party
structure is a thankless vocation, sustained only by the conviction of those
who do it. However, all that sacrifice is worthless if those who lead the
organization don't make it even remotely competitive with other political
options.
All that sacrifice is
worthless if those who lead the organization do not make it moderately
competitive with other political options.
The result of this plenary session is
the impression of a Party exhausted and unwilling to make the necessary and
urgent decisions that could save it in the eyes of its own people.
In a country where talent emigrates en
masse, the PCC has the luxury of having René González—who led the last
successful symbolic campaign in Cuba that spontaneously filled the country with
yellow ribbons—leading an aviation club; Cristina Escobar—an ideal spokesperson
for the Presidency—out of the media; a magazine like Alma Mater —which
managed to capture the attention of young people like no other state-run media
outlet—practically without an editorial team after the forced departure of
Armando Franco; and a Ministry of Economy that, since the departure of José
Luis Rodríguez, has not been led by a single expert, ignoring the constant
proposals made by economists.
Time moves faster than the structures
or thinking of decision-makers. Technology also threatens to leave the Party
behind. VPNs are already part of digital life on the island, but satellite
networks like Starlink will make current censorship mechanisms increasingly
useless. On the other hand, generative artificial intelligence will be able to
create fake news, simulated protests, and apocryphal speeches that generate
real reactions among the population.
Time moves faster than
the structures or thinking of decision-makers.
And in the near future, Artificial
General Intelligence will allow us to segment moods, intervene in public
discourse, and orchestrate campaigns from outside with surgical precision. For
a Party without a decent communications strategy or the ability to adapt, this
isn't a risk: it's a doom.
With the 10th Plenary Session just
concluded, it's clear that there won't be a radical shift. But there's still
room (narrow, but real) for the Party to reconnect with society. The issue goes
beyond economic reforms; it's about returning to politics. It's about
representing, listening, and competing.
The plenary session demonstrates the exhaustion of the current model. Today, most political parties around the world flaunt their internal differences as proof of their democratic existence. Meanwhile, the Cuban Communist Party—anchored in a false sense of strength—prefers to hide the debate and continue to represent unanimity as unity. The same images shown on state media highlighted the usual uniformly raised hands instead of a debate on the country's real problems. The contrast between this echo chamber and an increasingly diverse and outraged civil society speaks volumes. The result is a poorly staged and (badly) rehearsed spectacle, rather than a genuine deliberation.
According to the press, there was talk
of "refining" the cadre policy. But reality demands transformation,
not marginal adjustments. The accountability report, described as
"critical and grounded in reality," was more of a collection of
euphemisms. Instead of acknowledging errors, it spoke of "unwanted"
rates or a "lack of integrity."
The president's closing speech was
adequate by Party standards, and had it been delivered a decade ago, it might
have been even bold. But in the run-up to 2025, it falls far short of what is
necessary. And this is another key problem: the fact that Raúl Castro, in his
time, and Díaz-Canel now, continue to be those who demonstrate the greatest
critical capacity within the party leadership speaks volumes about the
prevailing conservative dynamic. That no other official dares to point out the
country's problems with greater acuity reveals a structure more concerned with
obedience than with lucidity.
That no other official
dares to point out the country's problems with greater sharpness reveals a
structure more concerned with obedience than with lucidity.
In his speech, the president seemed to
acknowledge the gravity of the moment, but in Cuba, power doesn't reside solely
in positions. With structures like GAESA operating in parallel and the dynamics
of power groups that are invisible, his scope for action is, to say the least,
uncertain.
Meanwhile, daily life is becoming
unbearable. The blackouts have even managed to anger activists. And the
government has failed, not only in its inability to offer solutions, but also
in clearly explaining, with solid arguments that don't sound like justifications,
the role of US sanctions in this crisis.
The lack of empathy and
self-criticism, coupled with the failure to recognize the seriousness of the
situation, are also elements of counterrevolution, because they deny the
founding pact of the revolutionary project: to stand with the people. And the
most tragic thing is that, even if it wants to change, the Party seems to have
no idea how. It doesn't know what to do differently or where to start.
Postscript
It's too late for the Party to build
the society it dreamed of. The context has changed, and the people are too
disillusioned. Right-wing ideas are gaining ground in hearts and minds, not
because of their virtue, but because of the vacuum left by a Party that sets
itself up as the vanguard of the left and has lost the drive to change what
should have been changed long ago. Although the Communist Party remains in
power, we already live in a post-revolutionary Cuba. Managing the changes that
take place to mitigate the damage and regain some credibility would require a
radically different Party than the one we saw in this plenary session.
And that is a tragedy. Many people
shed their blood, and many others still sacrifice their lives today, for a
revolutionary dream that is squandered in the hands of an apparatus that is no
longer up to the task. History reminds us of what happened in the Soviet Union.
There, it was not the people who failed, but their leaders. People, when they
have a voice, are usually right.
If the Party doesn't change, history
won't absolve it. It will simply stop judging it. Because it will no longer
matter. Not as a power, nor as a symbol.
My comment:
John McAuliff: Where is Cuba's Vo Van Kiet and Phan Van Khai, leaders
grounded in the successful defeat of the US war. who enabled Viet Nam's
transformational doi moi reforms at the Sixth Party Congress in 1986. Viet Nam took the steps to create an
extraordinarily successful market economy with socialist characteristics nine
years before the US ended its embargo and normalized diplomatic relations.
CALL TO
THE 9TH CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA
A Congress that will be for all the people
The conclave will meet from April 16 to 19, 2026.
Author: PCC | internet@...
July 5, 2025, 11:07:48 AM
Photo: Revolution Studios
Translation: Walter Lippmann.
Dear compatriots:
On October 3rd, we will celebrate the 60th anniversary of
the historic day when the United Party of the Socialist Revolution adopted the
name of the Communist Party of Cuba; the launch of its first Central Committee,
headed by Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz; and the publication of Che's
moving Farewell Letter.
Heir to the solid pillars of the patriotic program of the
Cuban Revolutionary Party forged by José Martí, of the struggles for the rights
of the working class and of the anti-imperialist cause of the first Communist
Party of Cuba, founded almost a century ago by Carlos Baliño and Julio Antonio
Mella, our Party was born from the battles waged by the people until achieving
victory in January 1959 and from the revolutionary organizations that, in an
exemplary and unprecedented gesture of political maturity, united in the effort
to achieve definitive independence and build a just society.
With these historical motivations, the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of Cuba calls for its 9th Congress to be held in 2026, the
year in which we will commemorate the centennial of the birth of the historic
leader of the Cuban Revolution, Commander in Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, whose
legacy guides the work of the Party.
This will be an opportune setting to continue updating the
strategy of resistance and development, amid a multidimensional global crisis
in which fascist and far-right thinking is resurfacing, with constant threats
to peace; in one of the most complex and challenging circumstances in our
national history, also marked by the ongoing aggressiveness of the US
administration, the intensification of the genocidal economic, commercial, and
financial blockade, and Cuba's inclusion on the spurious list of countries
supposedly sponsoring terrorism, the consequences of which are profoundly felt
in the economy and in the daily lives of Cubans.
At the last Congress, which we held in the context of
confronting the pandemic and fighting to safeguard lives by creating vaccines
that would protect the population, using our own resources and reserves, we
proposed a development project, which we have not abandoned. Even though it has
not been fully realized, the mere fact of resisting is a victory for the Cuban
people.
Therefore, the 9th Congress will continue to focus its
attention on finding appropriate solutions to the economic situation we face,
based on the actions outlined in the Government Program to correct distortions
and boost the economy.
The following are unavoidable priorities: increasing
national production with an emphasis on food; ways to increase foreign currency
earnings; restoring the National Electricity System; strengthening socialist
state enterprises; achieving macroeconomic stability; maintaining a healthy
relationship between the state and non-state sectors; reducing inflation;
promoting the participation of foreign investment; and promoting efficiency and
savings.
We will also continue to promote the management of science
and innovation, social communication, and digital transformation for the
development of our society, which has committed to further perfecting socialist
and participatory democracy on the path to achieving all possible justice.
The Communist Party of Cuba, a follower of Martí, Fidelista,
and Marxist-Leninist ideology, as the guiding political force of society, has
the responsibility to guide the people, mobilize them to produce, develop,
create, and achieve results that will, in the shortest possible time, improve
the living conditions of the population, provide solid support for the social
advances achieved by the Revolution, overcoming our own errors and
shortcomings, and reduce the social gap that has inevitably emerged, exacerbated
by the aggressive policies of imperialism in recent years.
Strengthening unity, perfecting ideological work,
politically supporting the Government Program, and correcting the deviations
and negative tendencies present in Cuban society are priorities in the work of
the Communist Party of Cuba, the results of which we will also evaluate at the
9th Congress.
None of the above can be achieved solely through the efforts
of those of us who serve within the Party. The participation of all Cubans is
essential. In addition to contributing with their work, they must exercise
daily and effective popular control in the defense of the Revolution's
achievements.
In this context, the ideological, educational, and cultural
battles take on extraordinary relevance. The Congress process will be an ideal
opportunity to debate the Party's role in strengthening revolutionary values,
knowledge of the nation's history, culture, and identity.
Also to discuss political, media, and community
communication, essential tools for Party and government management, a defense
against disinformation campaigns, manipulation, and lies orchestrated by the
dominant media, and subversive plots seeking to undermine socialism.
We reaffirm, with conviction, that the defense of the
Homeland and national security are strategic principles and guarantees of the
nation's existence.
The Party's utmost attention is required to prevent and
resolutely confront social indiscipline, crime, corruption, and illegality.
Without a frontal attack on these harmful manifestations, it would be
impossible to triumph in the economic battle, in preserving the morality and
values that have characterized the Cuban people.
To successfully confront the enormous challenges facing Cuba
today, the Party must be increasingly solid, strengthened from the grassroots
to the highest levels of leadership, with an exemplary and combative
membership, and more prepared cadres with analytical skills and a willingness
to confront and solve problems.
The permanent connection with the people, also embodied in
the systematic visits of the Party leadership to the territories, constitutes a
valid working method at all levels.
It is essential to increase the active participation of all
youth, with the Young Communist League, student organizations, and youth
movements playing a leading role in the nation's main political and
socioeconomic processes, as well as in mass and social organizations.
With unity as our essential premise, we will dedicate the
Congressional debates to persisting and advancing the country's socialist
transformation, with the certainty that we will not give up on building a more
just and democratic society, with more rights for all.
It's worth remembering the call for unity and sincere
exchange that Army General Raúl Castro Ruz made to us at the opening of the
previous party meeting:
The unity of the vast majority of Cubans around the Party
and the work and ideals of the Revolution has been our fundamental strategic
weapon for successfully confronting all types of threats and aggression.
Therefore, this unity must be zealously safeguarded.
…If we have a single Party, we must promote, in its
functioning and in our society in general, the broadest democracy and a
permanent, sincere and profound exchange of opinions, which are not always
coincidental, strengthening ties with the working class and the population, and
ensuring the growing participation of citizens in fundamental decisions.
The 9th Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, which we
will hold from April 16 to 19, 2026, will be attended by all the people.
Therefore, prior to the event, we will conduct a broad consultation process on
the documents to be presented, which will include members of the Party, the
Union of Young Communists, political and administrative leadership structures,
and mass, social, and student organizations.
It will be a worthy tribute to the history of struggle, to
the ethics and spirit of independence bequeathed to us by Céspedes, Gómez,
Maceo, and Martí; to the anti-imperialist thinking of Baliño, Mella, Villena,
and Guiteras; to the generous dedication of Abel, Frank, Celia, Vilma, Camilo,
Che, and Almeida; to the Centennial Generation and, especially, to Fidel and
Raúl, leaders of the Revolution, the Party, and the people.
A few days before we remember the glorious actions of those
young people who, 72 years ago, took history by storm at the walls of the
Moncada and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes barracks, many of whom offered their
lives so that their generous blood could pave the definitive path to freedom,
we reaffirm our profound conviction in the victory of our people, who have been
able to face the greatest challenges and obstacles with heroism, solidarity,
and altruism.
Homeland or Death, We Will Win!
Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba
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